THE CHINESE CLASSICS.

VOL. III.

THE SHOO KING,

OR

THE BOOK OF HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS.

K 以文 害酿 K 以辭害

士 I 以意

2.

逆士 I 是.

V-

THE

CHINESE CLASSICS：

WITH

A TRANSLATION, CRITICAL AND EXEGETICAL NOTES, TROLEGOMENA, AND COPIOUS INDEXES.

v/^BY

JAMES LEGGE, D.D.,

OF TnE LOUDON MISSIONARY SOCIETY.

IN SEVEN VOLUMES.

VOL. III.— PART II.

COSTAINISG

THE FIFTH PART OF THE SHOO KING,

OR THE BOOKS OF CHOWj AND THE INDEXES.

HONGKONG： AT THE AUTHORS.

LONDON： TRUBNER & Co., 60, PATERNOSTER ROW.

1865.

HONGKONG ：

Printed at the London Missionary Society^

Printing Office.

T1IE S1I00 KING.

PART V. THE BOOKS OF CHOW.

BOOK I. TIIE GREAT DECLARATION. PART i.

庶 越友王 年^辭 周 士 、我弗 曰孟春 十泰書 明御冢 嗟潘。 大有誓 聽事君 ，我 〇 會三上

1 In the spring of tlie tliirteenth year, there was a great 'assembly

2 at Mang-tsin. The king said, u Ah ! ye hereditary rulers of my friendly States, and all ye my officers, managers of my affairs, listen clearly to my declaration.

Name of tiie Part. — ‘The Books pres, small department of 邠. There his de- of Chow •’ Chow is the dynastic designation scendants remained till b.c. 】 326, when Tan-foo, under which Woo and his descendants possessed I afterwards styled king Tcae in the sacrificial the empire from b.c. 1121 — 255, a period of 867 ritual of the dynasty, removed to tlie foot of years. They traced their lineage mount Kce in the pres. dis. of K*e- san ([lj^ I 1 [),

(:^)， the minister of Agriculture dep. of Eung-ts^ang ； — see Men., I., Pt., II.. xiv.,

under Shun. K4e is said to have been a son of and xv. The State wliich he established there the emperor Kluh (b.c. 2432). The marvels of was called Chow. King T4ae was succeeded by his birth and infancy are pleasantly described his son Ke-leih, or king Ive, and lie again by liis in the second Part of the She King, and are duly son Ch^ng, or king Wan, who transmitted liis

chronicled by Sze-ma Ts4een (周本 紀> lie was invested with tlie principality ot T*ae (邰 )， the pres. dis. of Foo-fung (扶風 )， dep. of Fung-ts^ang in Shen-se.

In the time of Kee, b.c. 1796, the fortunes of the family, which liad for some time been waning, revived under Kung-lew

劉， who established himself in Tin the

hereditary dominions, greatly increased, and liis authority to his son Fa or king Woo. Woo then adopted Chow as the designation of the dynasty wliicli lie founded.

The Books of Chow were more numerous, as we might expect, than those of the previous dy- nasties,even though they belong only to little more than the first half of its liistory. Nor did they suffer so much in consequence of tlie fires of Ts*in as those of the Shang dynasty. Out of 38 documents there remain 20 whose genuiueness

VOL. HI.

36

282

THE SHOO KING.

PAKT V.

is uncontested ； and only 8 have been entirely lost. I have said that we might have expected that the Books of Chow would be more numerous than those of Shang; but we could not liave expected that so much larger a proportion of | them should escape the various dangers to which all were equally exposed.

The name of ihe Book. — *The

Great Declaration.’ , * great.*

King Woo, having at last taken the field against Chow, makes tliree speeches to his officers and men, expounding the grounds of his enterprise, urging them to play the man with him in the cause of humanity and Heaven. Those are brought together, and constitute one grand whole, — 4 The <jreat Declaration.*

Thk different texts of the Book. This subject has been treated of in the prolegomena ； and I will content myself liere with giving the summary of the discussions that have been

raised upon it, wliicli is quoted in the 金監

綱目 from Kin Lc-tWang’s 通鑑 前編，

merely interjecting a l'emark or two, wiiere his statements can be fairly called in question. Tlie text ])referred by Keang Siting and other modern scholars will also be found, with a translation of it, in an appendix to tlie Book.

Lc-ts^ang says : — 4 The Shoo of Fuh-shang did not contain the u Great Declaration. 9 [But see the first J^ook of Maou li4e* lin^s 4Wrongs of the old Text of tlie SIioo/ The 4 Great Declara- tion * ivas in the Books of Fuh-shang.] ‘It was in tlie “Ohl Text,” found in the wall of Confu- cius’ house ; but as tlie cominentary of K.ung Gan-kw6 was not entered in the imperial col- lege during the Ilan dynasty, his edition of it

did not then become current. Chang Pa

then fraudulently made a u Great Declara- tion,in tliree Parts, wliich became current, and contained the passage about ua white tisli entering king Woo’s ship，” &c.， wliich is lbuml

ill Chung-shoo 中 mi(l Sze-nia T84een.’ [riiis passage is found in those Avi.iU、rs， an(l also in Fuh-shan^s Introduction to the Shoo. There is no necessity to say that the 4 Great J)ecla^a.ti()n,, current during the linn dynasty, was forged by Chang lJa.] ( But in the time of tlie Eastern llaii， MaYuHg and otlier scholars became aware that this was not tlie pemiino docu- ment; and it fell into general discredit, >vlu»n the <4 Old "Text” made its uppearamie at tlie com- mencemC*nt of the Eastern Tsin dynasty. Re- cc*mly, however, this same Old Text has come

to be suspected by tlie scholar Woo ( 吳氏 ). “Ils la 叩⑴ ige，” lie says, “is veliement iin<l nrro^nnt, not to bo compnred with that of tla* J)i*(,laration ot'T'an^. As tlie documcMit appear- cil so late, we may suppose that the whole of it is not the original text/*

( In my opinion, the conduct and lan^un^c of T‘jmg and Woo were cqunlly responsive to ]I(»;iven and accordant with mc*n. They diflcml beenust1 the circum stances of the mt»n ditfereil.

was the founder ot* the fortunes of his House; Woo entered into an inheritance which was already flourishing, enterprise com-

nicnpod wlion men were bejjinninp to look Co bli.ing ； \Vuo'& was undcitakcu wlicn many of

the princes had long been followers of the Chiefs of Chow. The battle of Ming-t*eaou was fought by the people ol Po, while at M^ng-tsin tliere was a grand assemblage of the princes %vith their hosts. With such differences of circum- stances, we should expect differences of style and manner. As to what is said of Chow^ being worse than Kc^, and the language being more ornate, tliese things are accounted for by the difference of time. Even allowing that the style was somewliat modified and improved, when the document made its reappearance, we may well believe that it giyes us the views of king Woo *

Contents. Tliese may be stated in the language with which Le-ts4cang concludes his observations. — 4 In the first Part, king Woo ad- dresses himself to the princes and others of inferior rank ； in the second, to the hosts of the princes； and in the third, to his officers. The ruling： idea in the first is the duty of the sove- reign,— wliat he ought to be and do; with tliis it begins and ends. There is not the same continuity of thought in the second, but the will and purpose of Heaven is the principal thing insisted on. The last Part shows the difference between tlie good sovereign and the bad, and touches on tlie consent that there is between Heaven and men. Tlie Book is bril- liantly composed, and far transcends tlie powers of any man of a later age to have made it.*

Contents of the first Part. At a great assemblage of the princes, king Woo sets before them tlie reasons of his proceeding against Chow-sin. Starting from tlie position that the sovereign is ordained by God for the good of tlie people, he shows how tlie king of Shan^ acted only to the injury of the people. King Wan would have punished liim if he liad lived, but now tlie duty was devolved upon himself, and with their help lie would proceed to obey the requirement of Heaven. They need have no fears as to the issue. Favoured by God and men, the expedition could not but be crowned with success. There are eleven paragraphs which are so connected as to form only one chapter.

Par. 1. The time， place, and occasion of the Declaration, Tlie ti me was the spring of the 13th year ; but it is lianlly possible to place beyond dispute the prior date from which we are to calculate this 13th )fear. In the first place, the l'reface assigns the time to the 11th year (note 32) ; and tliere is no way that cau be admitted of’ reconciling the two accounts. The general view is that the 1 1 in the preface is a mistake for 13, but Lin Che-k4e takes tlie opi>osite view, and contends tliat the 13 in the text should be 1 1. In the second place, admitting the text to be correct, we fin«l that tlie standard or com- mon cbronolojiy reckons from the 1st year of kinoj Woo's accession to tlie principality of Chow, which it placvs in n.r. 1133. This view is ably armHMl hy Ts'ae Clrin in foe. On tlie otlier hand, Gan-kw5 said that the 13th year was to be reckoned from kin^ Wfin*8 receiving (as indicated by circumstances) the appoint- ment of Heaven to the sovereignty of the em]>iro. lie is supposed to have then changed the style of his rei^n, 一 to have ln?gun it atrcsli with a new * first year/ Nine years then elaps- ed, And his work was not complelod ；— tho i.yiaut >vdb stili upon the throne, and Wau

Bk. 1. I't. i. 3.

Till-： GRKAT DECLAHAT10N.

283

u Heaven and Larth is the parent of all creatures; and oi* all creatures man is the most highly endowed. The sincere, intelligent, and perspicacious among men becomes the great sovereign ; and

died. Two years more passed by, 一 tlie period of mourning for him ; and then king Woo took the field, but it was not till the year after, the 4tli year of his rei^n, that the contest between 】iim and Chow-sin 、vas decided. This view is strongly ailviK'ated by Maou K^-ling, against Ts'ae and others, in the third Book of Jiis

尙書馬 聘錄. But the various

data on which it is endeavoured to decide the question are by no means certain ; 一 see a note

in the 歴代 統紀表 ’ on tlie date of

king Woo*s birth, under b.c. 1H>8. I must for the present suspend the expression of any opinion of my own on the point.

A controversy, nearly as perplexing, is wap：ed about tlie time iutended by i the spring,* where we should hardly think there was room for any difference of view. Jt has been already observ- ed (on ‘The Instructions of E’ Pt. i” p 】) tluat while the Hea dyn. began the year with

the 1st month of spring (the month the Shang began it with the last month of winter (the month The Chow dynasty removed

tlie commencement of the year farther back still, and made it begin with the second montli of wiuter (the month -t— ). Ts*ae and a liost of followers say that by * the spring* is intended the montlis of tlie Hea year ； and tliis appears rea- sonable, for however different dynasties might begin their year in different months, they could not change the order of the seasons. The Spring* of Chow was the same as that of Hea； and if we suppose, as is most natural, that tlie historian is speaking in the text with reference to the Chow year, then the monlli intended by cthe spring* must be the first month of that season. Gan-kw6, however, understands the month intended to be the Jirsl of the Chow year, and Maou K*e-ling supports his view. This question will come up again in the course of this and the two next Books.

The place where the declaration was made was Mang-tsin, or at the ; Ford of Ming ： 5 一 see the Tribute of Yu, Pt. ii., p. 7. There was there a great assembly of all the princes who already acknowledged the supremacy of Chow, and were confederate with Woo to make an end of the tyrant. Gan-kw6 says they were the princes of the two thirds of the empire, who had followed the banner of king Waa (Ana., YIII., xx., 4), and the chiefs of many of the wild tribes ； 一 along with their various hosts.

P. 2. Opening of the address. 王日，

一 Woo is here styled *kinjr,* or eniporor, by anticipation. Hatl he been defeated, lie would have been *a rebel ；* but as his enterprise was crowned with success, from tlie moment lie bi'pin to operate against Chow-sin, he was the sovereign of China, ami the other was only 4 a

solitary fellow ’ (獨 J ; Pt. III.， 4).

友邦 冡君， -Yins-ta s<vs- 同志爲

I cthey were as having the same mind and aim with liini.* is literally

i 4 highest rulers,* or * great rulers.* Tlie ‘Daily Explanation * explains the phrase by —

^jpJ ~\\ which I have followed in the

j translatiun. 越我 御齊庶 士，- 越 = 及， ‘and;’ 桥 主 or * 玲， ‘to pro

side over,’ ‘to manage.’ 御] 治 事 1 I * managers of affairs.* The * Daily Ex- I planation * would include the soldiers among >士 as well as the officers,— 衆 士 卒；

but it is better not to extend the meaning of tlie term so far in this passage. Medluirst strangely and quite erroneously translates ^J)

by 一 4 it has fallen to me to manage these affairs.’ The address begins with the

exclamation which ordinarily precedes these military speeches.

3. The sovereign is ordained bi/ Heaven and Earth, because of his virtues, for the good of the people. Compare the ‘ Amiouncemsnt of T'ang.* p. 2. What is to be remarked liere is the style of speaking which is new, and places 4 Heaven and Earth * in the place of 4 Heaven * simply, or ‘God.’ Woo does not always employ this style. In this same Part he employs botli the terms which I have mentioned. There can be no doubt that the deification of 4 Heaven and Earth,* which appears in the text, took its rise from the Yih King, of which king 'Van may properly be regarded as the author. No one who reads what Wan says on the first and second diagrams, and the further explanations of his son Tan (the duke of Chow), can be sur- prised to find king Woo speaking as he does in

the text. 惟 A 萬物之

man who is the most intelligent of all creatures/ ~ 萬物 in the first clause we understand

〇 三 Gs

誓 o 惟 天地 物艾像 惟人萬 物之 m 亶聰明 作元后 元后作 。 民艾母 。

284

THE SHOO KING.

PAltT V.

池 室以以 暴冒民 。天沒 \〇 侈臺世 J 美扈色 ，◦降 弗今 服榭 嘈官# 敢沈 硬敬商 以 陂宮人 人行酒 下上王

四

節

4 the great sovereign is the parent of the people. But now, Show, the kin〇- of Shang, does not reverence Heaven above, and

5 inflicts calamities on the people below. He has been abandoned to drunkenness, and reckless in lust. He has dared to exercise cruel oppression. Along with criminals he has punished all their relatives. He has put men into office on the hereditary principle. He has made it his pursuit to have palaces, towers, pavilions, embankments, ponds, and all other extravagances, to the most painful injury of you,

4 all things,* inanimate as well as animate ; in the second clause we must conti ne the meaning to animate .creatures. The various tribes of animals have their several measures of intelli- gence, but all are very inferior to men.

Then, as men are superior to other creatures, there appear among them those wlio are superior to their fellows ; 一 the sages, wlio arc raised up by Heaven, and become tlie rulers, teachers, — parents, in fact 一 of the mass. Ch'in King says on this ： 一 1 Man is one among all creatures. Otlier creatures, however, get but a portion of the energizing element of nature, while he receives it complete: 一 it is this which makes the nature of man more intelligent and capable than that of otlier creatures. But though men are endowed witli this capacity and intelligence, there are tliose wlio are not able to preserve and maintain it, and there must be the quick- upprehending and undcrstjuiding ruler to be a parent to them. In this way the people are able all to complete their intelligence. The sage possesses before me that of whicli I have the seeds in common with himself; and among intelligent beings he is the most intelligent *

(人 者萬物 之一也 ，物 得氣 之偏 ，人得 氣之全 ，此 人性 所以獨 靈於物 ，然 人雖有 此靈 ，有 不能保 此靈者 ，必 得聰 明之君 以义# 之斯 民始 得以各 全其靈 •聖人 先得我 心之 所同然 ，而爲 靈之靈 者耳) . , . .

1^. 4, />. How C/iow had forfeited all /ns title to the empire ^ and kimj Wun had been chartfvd to

punish him, 4. 商王 受-1 liave

hitherto called the tyrant of 8hang by the mil …， of Cho'v (系、 J*)， after Szcv"mTs‘( 十 n nml MvuriuB. lleiv aud else whore he appears as

Show, whicli Ts*ae says was * the name of Chow.* Chow is his epithet in history, conferred upon liim for liis cruelty and wickedness ； 一 see the

Diet, on the character ( 殘忍 損義曰 糸寸）. Liu Che-k*e says that was inter- changed with from the similarity of the two characters in sound, but he must be wrong, be- cause Show is here used by king Woo before

the tyrant's death. 上天 下民- 1

think tliese phrases may best be taken as in the

translation. 5 •汰 滴， •沈酉 B $ 酉， in ‘ Tlie Viscount of Wei，’ p. 1，

角， 一 is *to go forward with the eyes covered/ = 4 to pursue blindly and recklessly.*

色 = 女色. 罪入 以族- ^

crimed men according to their relationships.' The meaning is as in the translation. The 1 Daily Explanation * lias : 一 加罪 于人，

不但 _ 其一身 ，幷 其族®

i7ll fflj Mencius poii 丨 ts it out as one

of tlie glories of king Wfln's administration of Kce, that * the wives and children of criminals were not involved in thoir guilt * ( 罪人不 ； Bk. I., Pt. II., v. 3,) It was one of tlie principles of Shun that punishments should not l>e ex tended to the oflendo^s children (Counsels of tlie Great Yu, 11.) We have seen Yu?s son, (The Speech nt Kan, p. 5) and even T(ang9 (The Speech of T^ng, p. 4) menacing their troops with the death of tlieir children, if they did not do their duty. Tluit may liave been a measure of war; and Chow carried it into all the jK'iial mlminUtration of his ccovt. To what extent the punishment of relations was carried by (’how, >vc <Io not loam from the text. Gan- kwu supposes that tlu* j>ari»uti», brothi're,

Bk. I. Pt. i. G.

THE GREAT DECLARATION.

285

商> 冢發 k ◦威 > 文 天剌姓 、殘 惟君 ，以肆 M： 考 、震 剔焚害 受 觀爾予 勳肅怒 > 孕炙 f 罔政 犮小枭 蔣命婦 ，忠爾 有于 邦于集 。天我 皇良萬

the myriad people. ITc lias burned and roasted the l〇)Tal iind good, lie has ripped up pregnant 'women. Great Heaven was inove«l with indignation, and charged my deceased father Wan reverently to display its mnjesty ; but he died before the work was completecl.

11 On this account I, Fa, who am but a little cliild, luive by means of you, the liereditary rulers of my friendly States, con-

• t Show has i

templated the government of Sliang ； but

no repentant

wives and children, ( — : 族） all suffered 、vith tlie cffemler. 人] | 达,

— 4 lie officed men according to their generation, or genealogical connection.* The 4 Daily Ex- planation1 makes the meaning to be that Chow put into office all the friends of his favourites.

-其用 八則不 論賢香 ，俾其 泛 说 喜， 卽奔其 子弟繞 屬悉寵 住 之 . But this view 。£ 以

•jU~* is unwarrantable, Mencius, in the passage above referred to, says that king Wiln salaried the descendants ot meritorious officers. But tho* such men might be salaried, they were called to office only when they had the virtue and ability necessary for its duties. Chow did not look out for able and good men to fill the oflfices of the State. This is the burden of this part of

the indictment against him. ^

…… 萬姓 「惟 = 4 he only cared for/ 一

g 務者惟 在宮室 ，云云

defines by The former term

is the building as a whole ; the apartments

i〇 it. Le Seun says : 一 1 is a high terrace of

earth, made for the purpose of observation ； when a house or houses are built on the top of

it， they are called 樹 •’ 侈服 = 凡

"^靡 諸事， ‘all extravagances;’ 服 = 事. 魏炎 忠良， -this refers t。 the

punishment of Roasting, described in the his- torical note on the * Conquest of Le.* ^|J

易 I j 夺 ^ 女需， 一 we saw how Chow caused the lietut of Fe-kan to be cut out ; — Ilwang-poo

Meih, of the Tsin (lyn., says that he also caused Pe-kan*s wife to be ripped up. No earlier ac- count to tliat effect, however, is known. King Woo is no doubt rehearsing things wliich were commonly charged upon the tyrant at the time.

一 see on the * Announcement of

T(ang； p. 2. 命 我文考 ，-考 is &

name for a father deceased. King Woo speaks in this way of his father Iiavin〇： been cliarged to punish Chow, to vindicate all the better his own present course. We are not to suppose that any such commission w.is ever expressly given to Wftn ； and Confucius speaks of him a9 having been faithful to the dyn, of Shane： to the

last; — see Ana., VIII., xx., 4. 大勳未

We must complete

tlie meaniug by adding , as in the trans-

lation.

P. 6. The task of punishing Chow being now devolved on him, he sets forth the evidence of his

hopeless wickedness. 占女, c therefore.’

以爾 •••••• 于商， -觀政 is ex-

plained by a reference to the same phrase in the 4 Both possessed pure Virtue/ p. 10. The princes of tlie States were to Woo an index of tlie govt, of Chow. Had they remained loyal to him, that would have shown that his govt, was good. As they were now in the mass revolted from him, and following Woo*s banner, it was clear that he was no longer fit to be emperor. Such is the explanation of this passage by Ts4ae, and wliat is now commonly received ; and I see no better course than to acquiesce in it. Gan-kw〇 and the earlier scholars expLained it with re- ference to an assembly, which they imagined, of Woo and the princes at the ford of Tsin, two years before the period of this 4 Declaration. * Then he had thoughts of attacking Chow, bufc ou contemplating liis govt,, concluded that the time was not yet come, and withdrew his troops.

286

TIIE SHOO KING.

PART V.

曷四 其作其 吾盛, 宗上悛 敢方 4 克之侮 。有旣 廟帝、 4 有 有相君 >〇 民于弗 肺乃 越罪 上作天 铕 四祀 j 疋夷 厥 無帝之 佑命盜 肩遺屁 志 。紙 寵師, 下罔乃 牲厥弗 〇 予綏惟 民> 懲曰 粢先事

heart. He abides squatting on his lieels, not serving God or tlie spirits of heaven arid earth, neglecting also the temple of li is ancestors, and not sacrificing in it. The victims and the vessels of millet all become the prey of wicked robbers ; and still lie says, 4 The people are mine: the decree is miiie,' never trying to correct iiis 7 contemptuous mind. Kow Heaven, to protect the inferior people, made for them rulers, and made for them instructors, that they might be able to be aiding to God, and secure the tranquillity of the four quarters of the empire. In regard to who are criminals and who are not, how dare I give any allowance to iny own wishes?

Such a meeting is riot properly substantiated ; and the view is otherwise liable to many objec- tions. 夷居 ，一 compare 夷候， Con.

Ana., XIV., xlvi. 弗事 上帝神

脈遺 厥先宗 廟無祀 ，- Ts‘ae，

after Gan-kw(5, gives for this — 廢 上帝，

百神 ，宗 廟之祀 ， ‘he ha8 di8—

ed the sacrifices, 一 to God, the hundred spirits, and the spirits of his ancestors.* Ying-tfi. ob- serves that the meaning is that Chow had no religion, rendered no service to spiritual beings

(不事 神祇 God, as the highest of all

such beings, being mentioned, to show the enormity of his wickedness. In this way a dis- tinction is made between 上帝 Mid 神祇， the latter phrase being synonymous with a

神. On the other hand, the 1 Daily Explana- tion,* for 弗事上 帝神祇 has -忽 慢 天地神 祇不知 奉事，

he

slights and contemns the spirits of Heaven and Earth, and renders not service to them.* This would confound God with the spirits of Heaven «nd Karth, wliich is by no means inconceivable in Woo, when we consider tlie language of p. 3. Compare also the language of parr. 8 Atid 4 in the 4 Announcement of I^ung/ Upon the

whole, however, the gradation of thou^lit in the passage iuay determine the scale in favour of

the former view. 犧 牲粢盛 ，旣于

凶 全 备—犧 8ee 心 last Book, p. 6;

盛， see Men., III., Pt. II., iii” 3; 旣 盡，

4 are consumed, * or care all taken.* The wliole corresponds with the words of the Graml Tutor in the par. of the 4 Viscount of Wui * just referred

to. 一 comp, the * Con-

quest of Le,* p. 5. 罔懲其 侮-無

冇懲戒 其侮悛 之意.

P. 7. He returns to the pnnri/j/es derbired in par. 3, and shows that he was constrained by them to attack Chow. See this psir. as it is quoted

by Mencius, I., Bk. II., iii., 7. The difTerence between tlie text here, and that wliich lie gives is very considerable. We cannot suppose that the present text of the Shoo was forged from Mencius. A plagiarist, attempting such an imposition ns is ascribed to * the false K%ung/ would have taken tlie language exactly from liis copy. We can only believe that Mencius had a copy of tlie * Great Declaration ' before him, diftering not a little from the present, or that he quoted from memory, and allowed himself ^rreat license in altering the classic.

诗鲁系 妥四力 ^ — favour and

tranquillize the four quarters of the tmpirt*

予曷 敢有 越嫩志 = 我何敢

Bit. I. Pt. i. 8—10.

T1IE GREAT DECLARATION.

287

爾上權 〇 卯貫千 ，億義 .「# 有帝 沒予響 盈廉 萬受力 齓宂 命小天 > 天一心 .有度 底于文 于厥命 心。 予臣德 > 天冢考 >夙# 誅 〇 有億同 之土 類夜惟 之 商喂萬 >德 罰。 以于麗 釩予罪 三惟度

8 li 4Wliere the strength is tlie same, measure the virtue of tlie parties; uhcre the virtue is the same, measure tlieir ri^liteousness.1 Show lias liundreds ol' thousands and myriads of ministers, but tliey have hundreds of thousands and nivriatls of minds; I liave three thousand

9 ministers, but the)7 have one mind. The iniquity of Sliang is full. Heaven gives command to destroy it. If I did not comply with Heaven, my iniquity ■would be as great.

10 ul, who am a little child, early and late am filled with appre- hensions. I have received charge from my deceased father Wan ; I liave offered special sacrifice to God ; I have pcM'formed tlie due services to the great Earth ; — and I lead the multitude of you to

有過 用其心 、乎 ，‘】 dare i use

my own mind too much ? * Sudi is the inter- pretation of Ts ae;— is 4 to go beyond what is rifjht with — in accordance with 一 my own wishes/ The diet, follows Gan-kwo in defining here by j 京， 4 to put away.* 一 * My purpose is to destroy the tyrant for the good of the people. Whether he be guilty or not guilty, I will smite liim. I will not let s：o thnt, my proper purpose/ This is evidently in- correct.

P. 8. He auspices success from the riyfiteous- vess of his cause, and the harmony of mind among his followers^ thounh thejj were comparatively few.

The twro first clauses are supposed to be a current saying used against each other by contending parties ; — Lin Che-k4e has adduced from the 丫專 two examples of similar cou- plets. The second clause is not so intelligible as tlie first. We can understand how wlien parties were matched in strength, the struggle should be expected to terminate in favour of the more virtuous ; but it is difficult to perceive how * virtue * and 4 righteousness * can be set

against each other. 受有臣 億萬，

一 Ts4ae says here that denotes 6 a liundred myriads,* or a million. This was probably a slip of his pencil. 億 ， r — ^ ten ricidSj or

100,000. The subject of Show^ more numc- 1 rous host comes up ap：ain in the next Part, p.

; 6. We may ad ⑴ it it as a fact, and it ex- plains tlie risings and troubles which disturbed tlie dynasty of Chow after the death of king Woo. It is difficult, at tlie same time, to I reconcile it with the representations of the general disaffection to tlie emperor, and of two thirds of the empire having been for years , devoted to the House of Chow. See the note on tliis paragraph in tlie 《爱 . It is instructive, though not conclusive in favour of the author’s views. 9. It teas woe to Woo ； himself if he proceeded not to destroy Sharif/.

! Compare the 4 Speech of T^ng/ pp. 1,2; and

the * Announcement of T‘ang，’ p. 4.

商

罪貫盈 ， 一 * the crimes of Shang are strung together and full.* 10. Woo's caution ana

conscientiousness in proceeding with his enterprise.

予小 子威袭 被權 ，-_p.

the c Announcement of T^ang/ p. 6. 受

命文考 ，類 于上帝 ，宜于

象土 ，-象 = A 4 great*; -J^, * the

great earth/ => 大社， 4 the altar dedicated to the great spirit of the Earth/ The sacrifice

at this altar was culled 宜類于 上帝，

288

THE SHOO KING.

TM\T V.

失 。哉 131 人弼之 / 天之于 ◦ 弗海 、永 予爾必 所民天 +5 可 時淸一 尙從欲 、民矜

11 execute the punislnnent appointed by Heaven. Heaven compas- sionates the people. AVhat the people desire, Heaven -will be found to give effect to. Do you aid me, the one man, to cleanse for ever all ivitliin tlie four seas. Now is the time ! — it may not be lost.”

— see the ‘ Canon of Shun,’ p. 6. In the Le Ke, Bk. 讳 |j， Pt. ii” 17, we find —

將出 ，類乎 上帝， 宜乎社 ，造

乎臟 * When the emperor is about to go forth, he offers special sacrifice to God, performs the due services at tlie .altar of the Earth, and goes to the shrine of his father.* Woo had attended to all these observances ； and it must have been at the shrine of his father, that he 6〇niehow understood himself i to receive,* as he says here,

4 charge J to attack Chow. 底天之 ■，

一 comp. 恭行天 之罰， in the ‘ 心0011

at Kan/ p. 3. 11. The enterprise wm a

proof nf the compassion of Heaven for the people^ and he summons all the princes and o fficers to stre- nuous cooperation with him. Under tlie 32nd year of duke Seang, and in anotlier place of t)»e

we find the passage 一 民之所

欲 ，天必 從之， quoted from the * Great

Declaration.* It is also found iu the _

爾 尙弼予 一 ■人， -see the ‘ Speech

of T'ang,* p. 4.

THE BOOKS OF SHANG.

1 On the day mow-woo, the king halted on the north of the River. When all the chiefs Avith their hosts were assembled, the king re-

2 viewed the hosts, and made the following declaration, saying, uAh! ye multitudes of tlie AVest, listen all to my words.

decided by tliis fixing of the relation between the two dates. Ts'ae will still have the month to be the first of the Hea year, — really tlie first month of. spring ; Gan-kw〇 and others will have it to be tlie first month of tlie Chow year,

the second month of winter.

匕， 一 «= 丨卜， ‘ to stop/ 1 to be stationed/ In the interval, therefore, between the two ad- dresses, the army had crossed the Ho. 《旬

師 ，-徇 （3J t<>ne)= 循， * to go about/

Hwang Too explains it from the phrase

* to cheer and animate/ *To review * ex- presses the meaning accurately enough. Per- haps we are to understand that tlie kins： first crossed the river and encamped ; and then, when all the princes with their troops, had* pitched their tents around him, lie went through the host and addressed the soldiers. 2. j) 句

it 一 VT〇〇 an(】 his father 丨 lad beth

been 'Chiefs of the West/ 一 viceroys over that pare ol empire.

Contents of tiie Second Part. Since the delivery of the first address, the army has crossed the Ho, when Woo reviews it, and makes this speech, which is more especially addressed to the troops. He make? Show and Kee, T*an^ and himself, all pass before his men, 6liowing that Show was more wicked tlian Ke6, and that his punishment of him would be more glorious than T4aug*s had been of Ke6. Heaven will surely crown tlieir enterprise witli success ; ami he therefore in conclusion urges them all to go into battle, not despising tlie tyrant, but vith united hand and heart, to accomplish a ■work that should last for ages. The whole is divided into 9 paragraphs.

Pp. 1, 2. The time， place, and occasion of the address ; and the parties addressed. The time was the day mow- woo, which we are able to determine, from the 1st par. of the 4 Completion of the War/ to have been the 28th day of the 1st month. We are tliere told that Woo began his march to attack Chow on the day jin-shin. which was the 2d of the 1st month. Calculating on to the day mow-ivoo, we ascertain that it | was the 28th of the same moon. The con- | troversy, described on the 1st par. of tlie | List Part, on the term spring,* howeverj not

BOOK I. THE GREAT DECLARATION. PART ii.

泰誓中

§戊午 王 次 于河胤 群后」 以師

雄舍 曰王乃

徇師而 «

二節 VA

〇 曰嗚呼

西土有 1 咸 聽朕言 。

VOl.. 111.

37

290

TIIE SIIOO KING.

PART V.

天桀天 辜朋人 > 無日不 〇 乃 茆惠籲 家淫度 J、 尼我 i 佑克民 >天 、作 酗播 尼凶聞 命若 _ 仇身棄 今人吉 成天， 德脅虐 ，犁 商盔人 湯/流 奉彰權 臣笟王 不 爲 降毒天 、聞 。相 下昵受 、善屬 > 黜下有 ◦滅 ，化比 力亦惟 复國/ 夏惟嘸 之， 行惟日

3 ‘‘I have heard that the good man, doinp： good, finds the day insufficient, and that the evil man, doing evil, likewise finds the day insufficient. Now Show, the king of Shang, with strength pursues his lawless way. He has cast away the time-worn sires, and cultivates intimacies with 'vicked men. Dissolute, intemperate, reckless, oppressive, his ministers have become assimilated to him ; and they form parties, and contract animosities, and depend on the emperor s power to exterminate one another. The innocent cry to Heaven. The odour of such a state is plainly felt on high.

4 u Heaven loves the people, and tlie sovereign should reverence this wind of Heaven. Kee? the sovereign of Hea, could not follow the example of Ilenven, but sent forth his poisonous injuries through the States of tlie empire : — Heaven favoured and charged Tcang, the

P 3. The rlrendful ivic.kcdncss of Show,

一 the use of and |>^ in the Counsels of Yu,* p 5. Here, however, wc are to take the terms in their purel}" moral signification. This use of them shows the deep conviction that goodness and prosperity, evil

and cal«imity, oup：ht always to be tbund together.

播 棄犁老 , 一 comp, in the 4 Vis- count of Wei,* p. 3, 遜 于荒播

is here explained by very nearly synony- mous with is most simply explained

by taking it as for * black and yellow,* the

colour of old meiVs faces. Mih-tszc snys of

Chow that he 播棄 黎老， where 部 i it*

probably intended for the chnrncter in the text

呢 比罪人 ，-昵 (ndhj. a& in the

‘ charge to Yu6 j). 5 ; as in the ‘Instructions

«fE，P.7. 朋 家作仇 = 各立 朋黨 ，互 爲仇警 脅權， -

as in the 4 Punitive Expedition of Yin/

p. 6, = & 隹. * to press,* 4 to force.* The phrase here = 4 they make forcible use of — press upon with 一 tlie power of the emperor.* 籲天

〇r ‘aPPCftl 切 m、aVen.1

f 齒， _ * their filthy, fcctid deeds.* Sec on die k fVrtn-klliip,’ Pt. ii., ]>• 8.

Pp. 4, 5. Heaven trill ahvoi/s overthrow n%icl> edness "nd tyranny : 一 illustrnled in the ense of Kri and T%nng^ and now in that of Shou\ who was

• to love.’ 1S not«*th〇ro

w.ib KeC of Hea/ but 有夏之 君桀，

worse than KcSf and himself.

Bk. I. rt. ii. 3.

Till-： GRKAT DECLARATION.

291

襲民 .王 、惟謂 足有賊 于命。 于朕天 不暴行 > 天虐槳 0 休夢 其遠、 無謂命 剝惟1 祥 、協 以在傷 、祭謂 _ 喪受 鐃朕 予彼麁 無巌 謂元罪 商 丨、义 夏鑒益 3 己良浮

Successful, to make an end of the decree of Ilea. But the crimes of Show exceed those of Kee. He has stript and degraded the greatly good man; he has behaved with cruel tyranny to his reprov- er ami lielper. He says that his is the decree of Heaven ; he says that a reverent care of his conduct is not worth observing; lie says that sacrifice is of no use; he says that tyranny is no matter. The case for his inspection was not remote; — in that king of Ilea. It would seem that Heaven is goin<;by means of me to rule the people. My dreams coincide with my divinations; the auspicious omen is double. My attack on Shang must suQceed.

cKeC? the ruler who held ITca.* 流毒

下國， == 流毒于 下國， 4 flowed out

his poison upon the lower States.' Ke6 is con- ceived of on the throne of the empire, as being raised on high, above his own and all the feudal

domains. 丨备 3 S 命-降 黑 A =

4 to bring down and put away/ Comp, the expression in the 55th note of the Preface, —

王鮮黜 殷命. 5 •罪 浮于

一 y^, comp, on the ^wan-kang,* Pt. ii., 3. Here it is evidently = 勝。 r 過， ％

exceed •’ 剥 喪元頁 ，-剝

‘ to peel，’ = ‘ to degrade ’ ； 麵 & 矢位， ‘to

lose one^s office/ used, here in a hiphil sense. It is supposed that this clause has reference to the viscount of Wei, whose withdrawal from court， it would thus appear, was preceded by violence and oppression on the part of Show.

The next clause，— 賊虐 諫輔， is referred to Pe-kan. 已 ^ 天

一 see the ‘Conquest of Le,’ p. 5.

Z、 今了， 一 <revereuce n〇t worth being practised.1 We had better understand the Re- verence* with reference to liis own conduct, and to the business of the State. —

this was the cry of the wicked Jews in the time of Malaclii, — ;It is vain to serve God/

丨 暴無停 Men. L， rt.， vii.，

I 3. 厥 繫， I ^ •，一 see the quotation ' from the She King in Mencius, IV., \*t. I., ii., : 5. 甘 一 observe the

其 ：' 朕夢協 朕卜襲

于休祥 ..戎 商必哀 .—We have no

other intimation of Woo's being encouraged in a dream to act against Show ； his divination may have been before tlie shrine of his father, referred to in the last Part, p. 10. =»

^ 承， 4 double/ 4 repeated.* 賽隻 j]j^,

一 ‘ both agree in being auspicious,’ 4V, *a wea- pon/ here = 6 to attack with weapons.* Acc. to the interpretation thus indicated, which is after Ts;ae, the omens were only two, which united in being favourable. In the however, the passage is quoted,

where the speaker is treating of the agreement of three omens, and lie adds to the passage — -

择 三襲也 . 0n this v、iew ’ 襲于休

‘agree with the whatever this

was. Lin Che-k;e. adopting this construction, refers to the 24th chap, of the 4 Doctrine of the Mean/ where it is said that when a nation or a

family is about to flourish, there will be j|p^, seen in the milfoil and tortoise, &c. There, a substantive meaning may be given to those tv〇

292

THE SHOO KING.

PAKT V.

姓 自我人 。周心 亂心 億必 有我民 ◦親 同臣離 兆克。 過. 民祖天 『 不德, 十德肩 〇 在聽 > 天視如 雖人 予人受 《 予 百聽自 仁有同 有離有

6 11 Show has hundreds of thousands and millions of ordinary men, divided in heart and divided in practice; — I have of ministers capable of government ten men, one in heart and one in practice. Although he has his nearest relatives with him, the}^ are not like

7 my virtuous men. Heaven sees as my people see ; Heaven hears as my people hear. The people are blaming me, the one man, for my

characters, as to 休祥 here, 一 namely the occurrence of certain unusual phenomena ； 一 see Ying-ta on the passage of the pjl The

editors of Yung-ching's Shoo seem on the whole inclined to favour this view.

P. 6. The greater number of Show’s host (ind adherents was no cause for doubt as to the issue. See on the 8th par- of last Part. 一

= ’常， ‘ common, ordinary men.’ 予

有篇 L 运 十人 ，一 see Con. Ana” VIII.， xx. 周親 ，—周 ^ 至， the suPerlative

adverb, 1 most.* The phrase J^J and the whole clange indeed, are difficult. The para- phrase of the 1 Daily Explanation * ie : 一

親信者 ，雖 有同 姓至親 ，然 皆凶 人醜類 ，同惡 相爵我 之十臣 ，雖 不盡是 我之親 戚， 然皆是 p 厚韦德 Z 人， 可以 經邦齊 Hi、 ‘ Although those in

w hom Show rt poses bis most intimate confidence are his nearest relatives of the same surname with himself， }，c?t they are all bnd men juuI de- testable， helping liini and one anotlier in their common wickedness. My ten ministers, on the other hand, although tliey are not all my own relatives, are virtuous men, benevolent and gen- erous, fit to rule a country and benefit tlie age/

[Confucius said that there wa» a woninn I among Woo's ten able ministers ; 一 see the Ana,, loc cit. She is generally spoken of ns 文毋， I ^ mother \\ ftn,' king Woo'k mother, the famous

jC 处 A. tliink Woo%» wife, 邑姜，

niUHt be intciuled. It is uot oa”. to boliovo ' tbiH.}

The will of Heaven mifjhl be seen from of the i

P. 7.

the earnest icish of the people that he should destroy

Show. 天視 ••• 民聽，-_1四.，^.

I., v., 8. It would not be easy to determine the exaot meaning of the term * Heaven * here. The attention of Choo He being called to the applicability of the definition of Heaven as meaning 4 Reason/ or ^vhat is Reasonable * here, replied, 4 Heaven certainly means ki What is Reasonable ； but it does not mean that only.

It means also 11 the azure vault M

，九、 ^) ; and it means too the Lord and

Ruler who is above 令 幸

宰者 亦是天 The tenn is t。 be

explained in every place by a consideration of the context. If here you say th.at it means il what is Reasonable, M how can that sec and hear? Although tlie explanations are ditferent, there yet is something common in all the usages. If you know that, you will not be startled by tlie differences； uiul if you k»i〇w tl em, you will see that they are not inconsis- tent with the common idea/ 一 See tlie passage

quoted in the 集說 • 百姓 有過,

一 Lin Che-k'e takes these words ns equivalent to those in the *An- nouncement of T ang/ p. 7, ^ ^

-jp* * ; and most renderg will feel

inclined at first to agree with him is to

be distinguished, however, from and the pontiment appropriate to the lips of T*anp, who bad vjinquislied his rival, h not to be expected from Woo, who wrt« only marching to tlie Gftn-kwfl, as if he had words before

him, nnd yet folt the difference between f

and ^J^., interpreted 一 *It devolves on me. the one* man. to teach the people, and correct their

Kk. I. l»t. ii. 9.

Till', niU'.AT DIX'I.AHATION.

203

delay ; — I must now go forward. My military prowess is displayed, and I enter his territories, to take the wicked tyrant. My puiiisliment of evil will be sliown more glorious than that of T{ang. Rouse ye, iny heroes ! Do not think that he is not to be feared ; — better think that he cannot be 'vithstood. His people stand in trembling awe of him, as if the horns were falling from their heads. Oh ! unite your energies, unite your hearts; — so shall you forthwith surely accomplish the work to last for all ages."

errors.’ But this idea is foreign to the occasion. Ts‘ae’s explanation of 過 冲 責， ‘fault. finding^ Complaining of,* is very ingenious, and sound. See the Con. Ana., xx., i., 5, where also we have the conclusion of the last para- graph.

P. 8. The prese7it enterprise was not less but more glorious than that of T'ang. Compare

the paragraph as quoted by Mencius, Bk. III., Pt. II., v., 6. It will be seen to be rhythmical, and this may account for the difficulty which we find in construing it.

侵 A 受之 疆界， q invade and

enter the boundaries of Show’s domain.’ 于

一 Ts{ae makes this to = c and this vill reflect light on T;ang,J i.e., will make his mind in attacking Kee more clear. As the editors of Yung-ching^ Shoo say, this i3 too ingenious. Ts;ae wanted to relieve Woo of a portion of the cliarge of boastfulness, which is urged against the lansruage of this Book ; but foreign students of Chinese history do not feel the pressure of such a charge. We are content to take king Woo as we find him, and are not concerned to bring his character either up or down to the Chinese idea of a sage.

P. 9. He rouses his men to prepare for the fight with stern determination^ not undervaluing their enemy, but rather overvaluing him. A

good part of this paragraph is also found in Mencius ; 一 see VII., Pt. II., iv. 5. His varia- tions from the present text are, however, greater, and affect the meaning of the several parts of the par. How to account for the differences is a difficult question. To say that our present 4 Old Text * is a forgery, is an absurd solution ； 一 the true solution has yet to be found.

— 1 my masters,* here = 1 my heroes.*

罔 或無畏 ，寧 執非敵 = 無 或以紂 爲不足 畏寧執 心以爲 非裁唾 ■也， as in the

translation. 胃 赏 ij 繁, — the people are

understood to be those of Show^ domain, and the parts of the empire in the east. The next clause represents them as a flock of cattle, whose horns were being broken. 立 定

厥功， 一the 立 is best taken adverbially, = 4 forthwith.*

一人今 朕必往 o

八節 VI

我 武惟揚 侵于之 歡 取彼 w 繞我伐 用張于 湯有光 o°

九節 k

勗 哉夫于 罔或無 畏‘苹 執非敵 百姓 懍懍. 若崩厥 乳嗚 晚乃 j 德一 >$立 定厥功 •惟 克一氷 世。

THE BOOKS OF SHAXG.

BOOK I. TIIE GllExVT DECLARATION. PART iii.

狎章人 顯土曰 省大時 5 侮今道 i 君嗚衆 巡厥泰 五商 jk 于、 卩 我士 。六 叙誓 常>王 類天我 ◦師 >王 下 荒 受廉有 西王嚷 乃

1 The time was on tlie morrow, when the kin^ went round his six hosts in state, and made a clear declaration to all his

2 officers. He said, uOh! my valiant men of the west, Heaven has enjoined the illustrious courses of duty, of which the several characters are quite plain. And now Show, the king of Shang treats with con- temptuous slight the five constant virtues^ and abandons himself

Contents of the third Part. On the day after addressing the troops as in the last Part, Woo had a grand review of all the liosts, and declared his sentiments more particularly to the officers. He sets forth, as before, the crimes of Show against God and men, as sufficiently justifying their enterprise, and urges the officers to support him with all tlieir energies that he might do liis work thorouglily, aiui utterly destroy the tyrant. Having set before them the prospect of rewards and punishments, he concludes with a humble but encouraging re- ference, to his father Wiln.

P. 1. Hie time and occasion of the Declaration^ with the, parties addressed. The day was that immediately following that on which the last address was delivered, 一 the Ke-wei day of the calendar. It is supposed that the «army was now about to marcli to meet or seek the enemy.

大 巡六師 ，-大 巡，‘ went erwtly

about.* Lew Ying-t8*cw (劉 應秋) tlmt 《發 differs from the lutter meaning to

go round and cheer, wliile the former conveys tlio ideas of mar^lialiing and warning. This is very

dembtfd •六師 is used, like 三 throupli- out the Book， by anticipation. According： to the subsequent statutes ol* the Chow dyn., the im- perial forces consisted of six armies ()r I>rig4ule8, while those of a great State were only three. In reality the liosts now collected on the banks

of the I lo were iin imperial force, and so they

are denominated the * six hosts.*

明誓

衆士， _ 衆士， *a11 the officers;* 一 G«n- kwO says they were all ( from centurions up* wards.’

]*. 2. That Showy violating the laws of IImvenf had set both Heaven and men against Aim.

|)Ej 十 一 4 princely men of the western

邮胃 ’苕子 is appropriate as addressed to the officers, though Lin Chc-k4c shows that it mij;ht he employed also to designate the coni-

mou soldiers. 天 有顯道 •艄類

BK.l.rt.iii. 3.

T1IK GKEAT DECLAKATION.

29〇

to -wild idleness and irreverence. lie lias cut liimself off from Heaven, ami brought enmity between hiinselt1 ami tlie people.

“ He cut through the leg-bones ()f those ''.ho 、vt*i.e 'vading ill tlie morning ; lie cut out the heart of the worthy man. the use of his power killing and inurdering, lie h«*is poisoned and sickened all within tlie four seas. His honour and confidence are given to the villainous and bad. lie lias driven from liim liis instructors and giuirdians. He has tlirown to the winds the statutes and penal laws. He has imprisoned and enslaved the upright officer. He neglects the sacrifices to Heaven and Earth, lie has discontinued the offerings in the ancestral temple. He makes contrivances of ■wonderful device and extraordinary cunning, to please his womaji. — God will no longer indulge him, but with a curse is sending down

惟彰 —it seems most proper to explain these clauses by what is said below that Show had •violated the * live virtues.* The ‘illustrious ways of Heaven,* therefore, are the various n*lationships, of society, and 4 their characters,* arc the duties severally belonging to them. This view is advocated b}* Ying-tfi, who is fol- lowed by Ts*ae. Lin Che-k;e, on the otlier 1 hand, understood by the 4 illustrious ways/ I Heavei/s love of virtue and hatred of vice, and ! by 4 their cliaracters/ the good and evil which | severally attend them；— making reference to the use of the phrase in the 4 Counsels

of Yu,* p. 21, and in the 4 Announcement of T*;in«r,* p. 3. This interpretation is in-

genious and not without merit ; but the other is

preferable. 狎 侮五常 狎 = 易

or 車送 ‘easily ‘ lightly 各 甲丫每 =‘ slights

and contemns.* 五常， -see cm 五典，

4 Can. ot Slmn/ p. 2.

P. 3. An enumeration of Show's wickednesses^ and summons to the officers (g suyport the, k-imj in

punishing him. 音斤朝 涉之脛 ，-

Gan-kwfi tells us that Chow, one winter's day, bteing some people wading through a blrtam.

thought their legs had a wondrous power of enduring cold, anil had them cut off through the shank-bone, that he miirht see their marrow. ^|J — this refers to the

case of Fe-kan. 毒 痛 四 海’ 一 痛

= 1 to be sick f ; here, 4 to make sick/

姦囘 ，-囘 = 邪。 r 曲， f the crooked/ = 1 the bad/ 囚奴 正士， -ti—

the case of the count of Ke. 一 see

on the 1 Doctrine of the MeanJ, xix. G.

一 this refers to Ta-ke. History has not preserved an account of the cunning contrivances referred to. Ts*ae says that since Show con- trived * the punishment of Roasting,to make her laugh, we can well understand that he tasked his ingenuity to the utmost in other

things to please her. 祝降時 (= 一 Gan-kwo defines 祝 b.v (UP. 2d tone), • to cut off,* 4 to make an end of.* Ts4ac, misunderstanding for the same char, in the 3d tone, explains the clause by

蠢敬自 絶于无

o 三 節

結 怨亍民 〇 新朝 渉之脱 奇賢 人之 4 作威殺 m 毒痛 四瓶崇 信姦亂 放 黜師优 ^ 棄典胤 囚奴正七郊 * 不

倐宗廟最 作奇

控淫 巧以悦 婦人 上帝弗 覼視 降時

2(J6

TI1E SIIOO KING.

rART V.

〇 多尙 士太世 嗚靖迪 殄肆譬 呼 、厚果 殲予樹 也 賞 乃小德 我 不以雙 , 于、 務 女迪登 M — 滋 > 考膚乃 衆以除 若顯腺 士爾惡 功 其衆務

獨 氐恭喪 夫 撫行爾 受 我天其 洪則罰 。孜 惟后 , 〇 作虐古 威 我人予 乃 則有一 汝警肩 X

on liim this ruin. Do ye support with untiring zeal me, the one man, reverently to execute the punisliment appointed by Heaven. Tlie ancients have said, 4 He who soothes us is our sovereign ; he who oppresses us is our enemy.’ This solitary fellow Show, liaving exercised great tyranny, is your perpetual enemy. It is said agam, 1 In planting a mans virtue, strive to make it great; in putting away a mans wickedness, strive to do it from the root.1 Here I, who am a little cliild, by the powerful help of you, all my officers, will utterly extei'ininate your enemy. Do you, all my officers, march forwards with determined boldness, to sustain your prince. Where there is much merit, there shall be large reward. Where you advance not so, there shall be conspicuous disgrace. u Oh ! the virtue of my deceased father Wan was like the shining

'is determinedly sending down ； this ruin.’ But like the Hebrew barak is a vox media, and may be used for 4 to curse * as

veil as *to bless.* 孜孜 =‘with ur‘-

wearied efforts.*

P. 4. Show had shown himself the enemy of tlie people^ never to be fon/iven ; and Woo calls his troops to support him in makimj root and branch

work with the tyrant. 掏夫 受，- tlli8

w；i.s certainly very strong langunpe, applied to Sliow who w«as still occupying tlie throne. See the reference to it by Mencius, I., Pt. II., viii. It is much in his style. Seun-tsze has quoted it ns from the * Great Declaration,* in his

兵篇. 世謦， - *an hereditary ene- my,* one whose memory must be held in detestation in all the future.

務本 these clauses arc probably sayings

of the day like the first two. The former of them appears, slightly varied, as 4 an old saying,*

in the 左傅， 袁元年 其尙迪

果毅 ，- the union of 其 nn(l 尙. to express earnest exhortation, has occurred more than once. kto advance.* and

are both defined by and (dc-

UTnlinoll., It is said — 致果爲 毅‘毅

is the in tensest deteriiii nation.’ 登乃 辟 劈 = 成， 4 to complete/ The 4 Daily

Explanation ? brings the meaning out by say-

以成爾 君弔民 伐罪之

1 to accomplish the work of your ruler in consoling the po〇i>le and smiting the cTiminaK, 】)p. 5， （5. The virtue of King Wdny and its effects. Success in the present enterprise would be owimj to him ； failure^ i/ J'nilutM t/urc should 6e,

Bk.I. rt. iii. 6.

THE GREAT DECLARATION.

297

于有予 ，考予 〇 周, 西于月 無歡 非無武 ，予 _土> 四之 良。 惟朕紙 惟克受 i 隹方 、照 罕女受 朕受, 多我顯 I 小考克 文非方 。有 于光

and influence of the sun and moon. His brightness extended over the four quarters empire^ and shone signally in the western

region. Hence it is that our Chow has received the allegiance of 6 many States. If I subdue Show, it will not be my prowess, but the faultless virtue of iny deceased father Wan. If Show subdue ine, it will not be from any fault of my deceased fatlier Wan, but because I， who ain a little child, am not good.”

tcovld all be Woo's oivn. 5. The greater part of tliis par. appears in Mih-tsze (身使

下篇 )，—:- 太誓曰 . 文王若 R 若月 ，乍 照光于 四方于 西土 • 惟我 有周， 誕受多

I have translated this in the indicative mood, as historical narrative. Such is the view

of Gan-kw6 who explains ; 一 文王 德大，

故受衆 方之國 ，三分 天下，

Jfjj 4 The virtue of king Wun

、vas so great, that lie received the allegiance of the States of many quarters, and had two thirds of the empire.* Ts^e found in the language an auspice of Woo^ success in the enterprise in

hand. The L Daily Explanation,1 expanding his

construction, says : 一 文 考之德 ，其所

及如此 ，是 以人心 戴之天 命歸之 ，惟我 有周宜 其大 受多 方而有 天卞， ‘^8 far-

reaching was the virtue of my father Wan: — the hearts of men cherished him, and the decree of Heaven fell to him. Right it is that our House of Chow should receive the allegiance of the many regions, and possess the empire/ I must prefer to construe with the older scholar. 6. Tlie whole of this par. is found with

the verbal variation of for in the Le

Ke, Book 坊記， in 無罪， 有罪，

we must take lightly, aa merely «=» ‘fault,’ ‘error.’

APPENDIX

I annex here the “Great Declaration,” as it appears in Keang Sliing’s 尙書集 註音疏 . He lias been at great, pains to gather up， and put together, the fragments of the Book, as it was when current in the Han dynasty. Wang Ming-sliing, or Wang Kwang-luh (王 光 餘 )， gives a much briefer edition of it in his 尙書 後案， and arranges many of the sentences, moreover, differently. rl'he frag- ments give us now in many passages but a farrago of absurdities. AVe may be sure that a Book containing such tilings never received the inijjrimatur of Confucius :

voL. m.

38

298

THE SHOO KING.

孜鼓曰 召以事 、 天倶 至羣發 ，蒼# 受信 發周維 孜拊 汆自周 可之來 。于必 升兕典 先哉。 拜公四 無譟 ，未來 > 公以見 〇 王咸舟 虬師 、公 ◦手曰 、月. 怠獅 知不書 屌此武 屋旧中 總師功 汗稽都 .太 天乃天 期報年 > 以王 流休流 k 氽尙 畢無首 。悉子 將掐 >命 凋誥 傳勸喜 .之哉 。白衆 父力知 •〇 氧發 智 前未時 .手手 乏諸爲 〇 魚 左賞以 乃予上 立歌 可不王 > 無也 ，大雕 ，至 A 與杖 齓先 告聞祭 父後伐 ，謀王 窮> 恐夫其 于于氽 黃以祖 司古于 毋 *舞> 維同 動丕恃 皆色五 王舟氐 定之徒 先畢、 民極丙 詞> 色天之 。喜 舟 、楫 > 右厥有 司哲下 之于 午肩變 。之 〇 周其 有王後 杷功德 馬王至 有 上王曰 〇 大正公 聲 火塊至 白于臣 司之于 政天還受八律』丨、曰>魄,自取者拖先左空.格孟 有下 眦可百 〇 古茂五 上出斬 。以祖 右諸言 。津 f 。 地 屬伐諸 使立哉 至復涘 〇 號之小 凡 〇 之 〇 咸師矣 ，侯 > 上功茂 以于以 太日遺 。子 、齊 太上。

曰乃王 不附立 哉> 穀下 > 氮子蒼 〇 予栗. 子 〇

In the fourth month, Fft, the eldest son and successor, went up and sacrificed at [or, t〇3 Peih, and then proceeded to tlie neighbourhood of M5ng-tsin.

ri'he duke of Chow said, u Oh ! exert yourself. I have heard the excellent words of the wise and ancient kings.” The prince Fa bowed with his face to his hands, and his head to the ground.

He tlien addressed the minister of Instruction, the minister of War, and the minister of Works, with all the other apj)〇inted officers, — uBe reverent, firm, and sincere. I am without know-

ledge, but 1 look to the virtuous ministers of my fathers to help me, who am but a little child. I have received tlie achieved work of the dukes my predecessors, and will exert my strength in re- wards and punishments, to accomplish wliatevcr they have left undone.T, On this lie put the liost in motion. The grand Tutor, Fatlicr Sluing, carrying in his right hand an axe yellow with gold, and in his left a white flag, to give out his orders, said, 4<The hoary wild bull! The hoary wild bull ! Lead oil all your multitudes. There are your boats and oars. The last come shall be beheaded ! n

As the prince Fit liad got to the middle of the stream in his boat, a white fish entered it. The king knelt down and took it up. He then went oil the bank, anil burned it, in sacrifice to Heaven. All the dukes s«aid, uThis is auspicious ! M

On the fifth d；iy there wjis a ball of fire which descended from above, till it came to the king^ house, and there dissolved into a crow. Its colour was red ; its voice was calm and decided ; live times it came bringing a 6tn]k of grain. The king was glad, and all his officers also. The duke of Cliow said, u Be strenuous ! Be strenuous ! Heaven h«*\s showed this to encourage us. Jiut let us trust in it with dread.** u Examining into antiquity, it is b}* accomplishing merit

aii(l accomplishing lmsiness, tluU one caii transmit /".s to

the laws of lleavCn.” They sent up this to be joined to the writing of the duke of Chow, and reported to tlie kinj;, who was moved, and liis countenjince changed.

Ki*;ht hundred princes came of tliemselvcs without being called; they came at the same time without previous agreement ; without consultation they all spoke to the same effect, sayinp, “Sho、v nmy be aUiirked.” Tlie king sni(l, “ You do not know the will of Ileavcn; it is not yet the time to attack him.” On tlu* day pin<?-w〇o he acconlin^ly withdrew his army. In front the )iost beat their drums nnd shouted. Some of the soldiers lowered their spears, and went through their exercisi* ; with son^H in front Jind dnnein^ behind, they made heaven and earth resound, while they cr'u*d out, u Let- us novor he wonry. Heaven is about to rai^c up u parent tor us. The people will liave good government ftnd dwell quiell》.”

APPENDIX TO THE CREAT DECLARATION.

299

于獨有 有君無 月》〇 眠有 棄棄上 死万樂 •毁司 湯 夫以命 ，子辠 .照 朕自億 而厥位 庸天 乃壤馬 有紈亡 H 而紂光 礤我兆 弗先而 上罰. 爲其在 光。 〇 上敬有 克于協 民夷孩 。神 不而 砍淫三 煎。 我帝不 顯予. 四朕眠 AO 祇 耐⑵哉 藏正。 〇 武 不可德 . 非方丨 、.天 亦小不 進下夫 用 O 今 惟順 》行 ，其朕 于襲聽 有人祀 、臥 老子 廣離殷 楊 .祝謂 行文西 于自離 "見 乃名肌 不 亂逷王 侵降祭 甚考土 。休我 德, 姦日逐 。與可 正其紂 于 其無章 .有 〇 祥> 民余巧 .吾 p 間再 •歡王 乃 之喪层 .爲辠 斤戎聽 。有乃 有&國 不以父 阳 畺 ，惟謂 鑑惟克 商 〇 亂問命 ，夷政 ，可 悦毋其 副我暴 不予純 必民 十不# 居/ 而三。 婦弟屬 m 有無遠 , 小非克 。之人 言僇不 無 〇 人刀人 于風傷 ，在子 予 〇 所同也 , 其肯益 附故斷 $ 絶受上 彼無武 / 交欲 尤、 發務 》事 于下今 棄言、 殺之帝 殷頁。 惟王天 同辠天 上民而 台其自 伐 大不王 ,〇 朕 若必德 。鈞 。亦 帝者罔 鼠先絶 用帝 。常 ,謂 惡文丨：1從〇〇縱鬼退>上維祖于 張 .〇 九人乎 考若之 。天紂 乙神在 者龔之 天》

The minister of War was in front. u Now, king Cliow listens to the words of his woman ; 一- he has cut himself off from Heaven ; he has destroyed jand ruined all his hopes from heaven or earth or men. He has separated himself from his royal uncles anrl his maternal relatives. He has cast away the music of his forefatliers, and by making dissolute melodies he has changed the correct melodies, to please his woman. On this account I, Fa, reverently proceed to execute the punishment determined by Heaven. Rouse ye, my heroes ! Don’t let us need a second effort, or a third. He who deceives those above him, in the interest of those below% dies ; he who deceives those below, in the interest of those above, is punished ; he who takes counsel on the government of the kingdom, which is of no use to the people, has to retire； he who is in the highest position, and cannot advance the worthy, must be driven out.

^Chow abides squatting on his heels, and will not serve God or spirits. He has cast away, and vill not sacrifice to, the spirits of his fathers. He s«ays on the contrary, 一 * The decree is mine; * and therefore he will not put forth his strength in the duties to them. Heaven allows him to take tiiis course, having thrown him away, and no more preserving him. A mean man sees villainy and cunning, or hears it, without speaking: — his knowledge makes him as guilty as the villain.

Chow has hundreds of thousands and millions of ordinary men, but they are divided in their courses ； 1 have ten able men who are one in heart and in course. Heaven sees as my people see, and hears as my people hear. My dreams agree with my divinations ; the auspi-

cious omen is double ; — my attack on Shang must succeed. King Wan was like the sun or the moon. He lightened with his shining the four quarters, 一 the western regions. If I

vanquish Chow, it will not be my prowess ; 一 it will be the faultlessness of my father WSn. If Show vanquishes me, it will not be from any fault of my father Wan, but because I am not good.

Oh ! when the superior man has illustrious virtue, his conduct is grandly displayed. There is a beacon not distant； — it is in that kiug of Yin. He says to men that the decree is his ; that reverence should not be practised ； that sacrifice is of no advantage ; that oppression does not matter. God is not constant, and the empire is passing from him. God is not allowing him, but sending down his ruin with a curse. Our House of Chow is receiving the empire from the great God. The solitary fellow Chow. Chow has hundreds and tens of thousands of ministers, who have hundreds and tens of thousands of hearts. King Woo has three thousand ministers with one heart. prowess is displayed ; I invade his borders, and will take the tyrant.

My puuishmeat of evil will be exhibited more glorious than that of T'ang.f,

THE BOOKS OF SHANG.

1 I. The time was the grey dawn of the day kea-tsze. On that morning; the king came to the open country of Muh in the borders of Shang, and addressed his army. In his left hand he carried a battle-axe, yellow with gold, and in his right he held a white ensign, which lie brandished, saying, uFar are ye come, ye

Tiir Name of the Book. — 4 The Speech at Muh.* Muh [Keang Shing edits instead of Muh] was in the south of tlie

pres, district of Ke (; 其！ ^)，dep.ofWei- liwuy, llo-nan. It was a tract of open country, 6trotcliing into the pres. dis. of Keili nt no ^reat distance from the capital of Show. King Woo had, no doubt, made choice of it as a favourable field for the decisive battle between him iiml the tyrant. I return here to the rendering of by 4 Speech/ as in the 1 Counsels of the great Yu,* p, 20, and otlier places. It would luive been well if the term 4 Declaration * bud not been used instead of it in the last Book. The Speech at Muh *i« found in both texts. Tliere is more of the martial spirit in it tlian in any other of the apeeclies of the Shoo.

Contents. It is the morning of the diiy of battle, for which the kiug had prepared his host in the three speeches of the lu9t Book. Once more he addresses the confederate princes, hi9 officers, and hi9 men. He sets forth, much as before, but more briefly, the intolerable wicked- ness of Show, and then instructs and warns the troops oil how they should behave them-

selves in the fipht. The speech proper begins with the 5fch paragraph. The four parr, that precede nuiy be considered a9 forming a prelimi- nary chapter.

Ch. I. Pp. 1 — 4. The time and circum- stances of the speech. 1. The time ; ami

the appearance of the king, 時 甲子昧

爽， -_ay 甲子 was six days later than mow- woo (*Thc Great Speech* Pfc. ii., p. 1), wliich wji8, we saw, the 28tli of the 1st month. The speech at Mull, tlierefore, is held to have been spoken on the 4th clay of the second month.

麻 = 冥， ‘dark;’ 爽 = 明， ‘light;’ 味

爽， 1 the dark and the light,' ™ the grey dawn. 杖 = 持， ^to hold in the hand/ Its

tone in this sense was diff\. ftt one time from that which it hnd in its more common sigfnitlcA- tion of •‘ a staff.’ It now sccm& to be used only

with tlie 3d tone. (from a hand grasping

stalks of grain) is of similar signifloation to 杖.

Tlie is supposed to be called 'yel-

low/ from it9 having been ornamented with gold. The ensign consisted (according to the figure*

BOOK II. THE SPEECH AT MUH.

牧誓

瞭 甲于昧 氣 王朝至 于 商郊牧 默乃篆 王‘ 左杖 黃鉱 右 秉白旄 以惠曰 ‘逖 矣 西土之

Bk. II. Pp. 2 — 4.

THE SPEECH AT MUII.

301

2 men of the western regions ! lie added, “Ah! ye hereditary rulers of my friendly States; )Te managers of affairs, the ministers of instruction, of war, and of public works: the many officers subonYunxte to them : the master of my body-guards : the captains of thousands,

3 and captains of hundreds; and }'e, 0 men of Yung, Shuh, Keang,

4 Maou, Wei, Loo, P4ang, and Po ; — lift up your lances, join your sliields, raise your spears : — I have a speech to lnake.**

of it, wliich agree with the component parts of the character) of several ox-tails, suspended as streamers from a staff. B}* nieans of this Woo could intimate his wishes as to the order of their position, &c., to the troops, and tlierefore he car- ried it in his right hand. Gan-kw5 says the axe was in the left hand and the flag in the right, to show that Woo considered his work was not so much to kill as to teach. This is being absurdly ingenious. We may be sure tliat Woo had his axe in his right hand in the battle. =

I 韋， ‘ far，’ ‘ distant.’ The * Daily Explanation * paraphrases the clause thus ： 一 ^ttj

土之人 ，我以 伐蠢我 M 之 故 ，率 爾至此 ，其行 亦已遠

Ts4ae observes that he spoke thus to comfort the men under their long travel.

Pp. 2, 3. The different parties addressed.

2 •我友 邦象着 ，御事 ，- see on

the last Book, Pt. i., p. 2. The 4 managers of affairs ’ were the officers immediately after specified, belonging to Woo’s own govt., — to the State of Chow. The 司徒， 司馬， _ 司空- were three of the * six ministers *

(六卿 ) under the imperial govt, of Chow, when the dynasty was fully established, and whose duties are described in Bk. XX., parr. 7 — 13. A great State, such as Chow was before the extinction of the Shang dyn.. had only three principal ministers, whose nitmes are here given. But we may inquire what the ministers of in- struction and works Iiad to do in the camp. Ying-ta says that the former superintended all orders given to the troops, and the latter all

the business of intrenchments. Ts‘ae seems to have thought that they were there as the generals of the tliree armies of the State. This is not likely ; 一 see Ch‘in Sze-k4«ae, in loc. We can only form a vague idea on this, as on many

other points in the Shoo. 亞旅 ，-亞

* secondary，’ * of inferior rank’; 旅 = * multitude，’ 4 many.’ I do not find it pos- sible to say whether we are to understand by these characters the 4 multitude of inferior officers’ generally, or two distinct classes of such. Gan-kwo had the former view. He

says:- 衆大夫 ，其位 次卿， ‘The

phrase denotes all the great officers, whose posts were inferior to those of the ministers/ Ts;ae on the other hand supposes that the were the 大夫 or 1 great officers,* below, but next in rank to, the ministers, and five of whom filled up the space between each minister and bis 士， or ‘ officers,’ of whom there were 27, denoted in the text by the term

朗 j 一 ‘the Instructor •’ The functions of

an oflficer thus designated are given at length in the 13th Book of the Chow Le ( 地官司

徒第二 之六》 H e was a ta-f oo or great of- ficer of the second grade, and the Tutor of the heir- apparent, at the same time executing various duties about the sovereign, and specially having cliarge of the guard of foreign — barbarian 一 mer- cenaries who kept watch outside the royal gate. In time of war, or when the sovereign went abroad for any other cause, he followed in at- tendance, with the whole or a portion of that guard. It must have been in this capacity

人 0丑日‘嗟‘我 友邦篆 乾徜氣 司能司 馬‘司 客 亞旅師 氏千夫

V 0 三節

長 百夫長 〇 及

# m _ f c

彭濮人 〇. 爾 戈比爾 干立爾

V 〇 五節

矛予其 誓 〇 丑

302

TIIK SIIOO KTNG.

PART V.

之惟之 牝無沘 言人呒 今嗅 。家 晨鷄 晨難曰 i 有古

II. The king said, uTlie ancients have said, f The hen does not amiouiic.e the morning. The crowing of a hen in the morning

that lie was present at Muh ； 一 if indeed the 師氏 of the the text was the same officer wlio is so designated in the Chow Le. Ts‘ae follows Gan-kw6 in saying that the 師氏 were * the officers who guarded the gates J

兵守 門者) • 千夫 莨百夫

— we can only translate these designations literally as I have done. According to the Chow Le, five men formed a icoo (伍 )； five ico〇j or 25 men, formed a leany (jj^) ; four leang^ or 100 men, formed a tsuh (>^ ) ; five tsuh^ or 500 men, formed a Zew (方资 ) ； five ZeM, or

2.500 men， formed a 似 （自币 ） ； and five s:e, or

12.500 men, formed a Iceun (^^). Gau-kw5

and Wang Suh both say that the 百 夫長， were 4 leaders of tsuh,1 which of course is literally correct; but they say also that tlie 千夫長 were ‘leaders of sze' commanded 2,500 men e<ach. K^ang-shing agrees with tliem in this,

but makes the 百夫長 to have been 1 lead-

ers of /ew’ (方 资自巾 )，’ commanding 500 men each. It seems absurd to insist on such ex- planations. The arrangements of Woo^ army much more probably corresponded with the terms which he employed. 3. The names Yun*r, Shuli, &c., enumerated liere, are said generally to be those of 4 eight kingdoms of

the rude tribes on the west and south * ( jttj |每 > /人國 The first and last arc

found associated together in the 左傳文 — I-* in an attack upon the great State

of Ts‘oo. It is said that ( the people of Yung.... led the hundred tribes of the to invade and from this description of tlie P〇 by 4 hundreds * it is supposed that tliey were un- der no general Head or (ihieftain, but consisted of many clans, each acknowledging its own chief. The site of the Yung was in the pres.

dig. of Chuli-shan (竹山 ), dcp. of Yun-yang (員 杉 FToo-pih ; that of the Pd was in the

snme prov., dcp. of King chow (tt|J of Shih-show ^ ). The country of Slmh was the pres. dcp. of Shinp：-too in Szc-cli^icn. West ami north from this was the country of Kcang : while that of Maou and

I Wei was to tlie east, radiating from the pres, dis. of Pa Ip^), dep. of Chung-k^iug, ad a centre. Loo is referred to the present dis. of Nan -chang y^), dep. of Seang-yang

(襄陽 in Hoo-pih. The name of P*ang remains in P^ng-slian dis., dep. of Mei ( ), Sze-chfuen. All these tribes, we may suppose, acknowledged the supremacy of the princes of Chow, and had been summoned to assist king Woo in his enterprise against Show. Some critics, like Wung Loo-chae (

； see ]ii9 4 Doubts about the Shoo/ on the Speccli at Mull), say that they had come to his banner of their own accord, without being called ; 一 which is very unlikely.

[Gaubil says in a note on tins par. (Le Chou- king, p. 157), that Yung, Shuh, &c., were tlie countries on the south-west, 一 e.g., in Sze-ch4ucu and Yun-nan. To this M. de Guignes appends a very bold and sweeping remark : — * I will add/ he says, * that all the peoples in the text bear the name of or barbarians. Thus, this conquest of China, made by king Woo, 'vas a conquest effected by the foreigners on the west of China.* The remark is unwarranted. So far as we learn from the Shoo, those tribes were only an inferior and auxiliary force on the occasion.]

4. Attitude in which the troops were required to listen. ^^8 = 1 to lift up ; * apparently

*=> 1 to bear aloft in the right hand/ nfr q

j4n , 1 to erect on the ground,* i.c., to rest the end on the ground, the points bi*inp shown above. There were three weapons of the n«*iture of spears or lances, differing in the forms of tlieir points which would be difficult todcscrilKJ in brief space, but principally distinguished by

their lengths, 一 the 戈， tlie 戦 uml the 矛. Acc. to Wang Ts^caou, the linndle of the was 6 ft. 6 in. long ; that, of the 戟 16 ft.; and

接矛， 21 feet. Mcdliurst translates by ^javelin；' but I have not seen it anywhere stated that the instrument wns thrown from the hand. The *-| " or * shield* was long and

comparatively narrow, so as to cover most of tlie body.

Ch. II. The spkrcii. Pp. 5, 6. The crimes of Show. 5. ‘ the morning,’ here =

1^* * crows ia the morning to an-

Bk. II. P. 6.

THE SPEECH AT MUH.

303

6 如 the subversion of the family.’ >«ow Sliow, the king of

Slmng, follows onlj^ the words of his wife, lie lias blindly thrown away the sacrifices which he should present, and makes no response for the favours ichich lie luxs received ; he has blindly thrown away his paternal and maternal relatives, not treating them pr〇])erly. They are only the vagabonds of the empire, loaded with crimes, Avhom lie honours and exalts, -whom he employs and trusts, making them great officers and nobles, so that they can tyrannize over the peo- ple, exercising their villainies in the city of Sliang.

nounce the day.' is defined by Gan-kw5

by ； and by Keang Shing, after K'ang-shing,

by Tlie two definitions are mucli akin.

Woo's language may seem ratlier undignified ; but it was, no doubt, suited to his audience.

And we must bear in mind the character and deeds of Ta-ke against whom it was directed.

6 •冒^ .昏 〕 棄厥 肆祁不

一 comp, the last Book, Tt. i., 6 ; Pt. ii., 5. |

陳 ‘ to set for 丄 h ; ’ 厥肆祀 = 其

麻當陳 之祭祀 ，‘ the whidl

he ought to ofier.* K4ang-shing understood by ； mm < the name of a sacrifice * ; 一 but incor- rectly. answer,* 1 to make an acknow-

le<lgment for favours received/ such being the common meaning of sacrifice with the Chinese ；

-Ti^g-p。 says， 祭所 以報也 ，故言 H

Here also K^ang-shing incorrectly

defines by 問; and 不答 = 不問，

* without asking any questions, or tliinking

about them.’ 王 父毋弟 ， 一 Gan-kwo takes 王父 , as = 祖 or 4 grandfather/ sav- ing that if he thus treated his grand-uncles, we may be sure he did not treat liia uncles an\

better. Woo Cluing says that 王父 母弟

= 王之諸 义諸母 ，諸弟 ，‘ the wal

uncles， royal aunts, royal cousins.’ I think we must join 干 together, and agree with Wang Ts^aou that

弟 與毋弟 The general meaning is plaia enough, — that Show separated himself from all his relatives, both by blood and by affinity, who would naturally have the interests of tlie impe- rial House at heart. 不迪， - 迪 = 道，

and 不迪 = 不以遣 遇之， as in the

translation. Keang Shing takes =

or and ‘ does not em-

ploy them.， The meaning is not unsuitable . but it is not so pood as that whicli I have fol- lowed. ‘ refugees •’ Woo Chfcing

says: 一四； 多罪 之人逃 亡而

糸寸 the great criminals of all quarters make their escape, and betake themselves to Chow.’ 邑^ — * the city of Shang/

probably meaning the capital of Show. We might translate ^ , however, in the plural.

Keang Shing takes it as= 國， ‘kingdom’ or 4 State.*

商王受 惟 婦言是 甩昏 棄厥 肆祀弗 答 昏棄厥 |恩 王艾 母弟不 池乃 惟四 方 之多罪 逋逃 ‘是 崇是氣 是 信是使 是以爲 大 夫卿土 俾暴 虐于百 姓以

0 七節

姦宄 于商邑 〇 今

304

TIIE SHOO KING.

PART V.

爾夫逐 龜夫伐 〇 步> 日予 躬于。 克如于 。七而 乃之發 , 有殳奔 >熊 〇 优愆 止氧惟 戮 。爾似 如尙明 r 于齊了 、恭 所役 ■栺 止四 焉廉行 弗西于 杈齊伐 夫于天 最土, 商如焉 ，五 子六之 其最滅 食聶? 戈 最步亂 T 義卵 釦盛六 巍七今

7 uNow I, Fa, am simply executing respectfully the punishment appointed by Heaven. In to-day's business do not advance more than six or seven steps ; and then stop and adjust your ranks: — ray

8 brave men, be energetic ! Do not exceed four blows, five blows, six blows, or seven blows; and then stop and adjust your ranks： —

9 my brave men, be energetic ! Display a martial bearing. Be like tigers and panthers, like bears, and grisly bears ; — here in the border of Shang. Do not rush on those who fly to us in submission^ but receive them to serve our Avestern land: — my brave men, be

10 energetic ! If you are not thus energetic, you will bring destruction on yourselves.”

Pp. 7 一 10. Directions about the rules to

be observed in the impending battle. 7. The

first part of this par. had better be joined to the one preceding. King Woo speaks in it of himself in contrast with Show； 一 of himself as engaged on behalf of Heaven to punish one who was «an enemy to both Heaven and men. Ts‘ae and others, prefixing it to this and the succeed- ing parr., make a milder spirit breathe in them than the reader will easily perceive. The stop- ping at every seven steps and seven blows was, they think, that as few of the enemy as possible might be killed. In this way the tyrant would be overthrown and Heaven’s justice would be satisfied with the sacrifice of comparatively few lives ! The cautions were evidently given that the order of battle might be preserved unbroken.

愆 = 過， * to exceed.* 步 = 進 趨 ‘to advance hurriedly., 7^

整， ‘ to adjust and put in order.* The para- phrase of the 4 Daily Explanation * is: — It

址而迎 敵不迦 于六步 ，乇

步卽便 止駐， 以整齊 部伍， 然# 禮從而 後之， ‘ ln advancing

to meet the enemy, take no more than six or seven steps. Then stop and adjust vour ranks, and go forward again to smite them.*

一 sec the last Book, Pt. ii., p. 9.

8. = f 臀柬 I, ‘ to strike ami thrust.，

They axe thus admonished, it is said, lest they should be hurried on in their rage by a desire

for slaughter. 9. 桓桓 = 威武 _

* the appearance of martial prowess.* The 义 quotes the passage with instead

of 桓. ^ is described as 4 a kind of panther.* 弗迓 克奔-

4 do not meet those who nre able to 一 who really do 一 run.* The meaning is as in the translation.

Kcang Shing, however, edits insfevad of after K^ng-shing. Mu Yung also read

bk. ii. r. 10.

TIIE SPEECH AT MUII.

305

which lie explains better than K*ang-shing. Wang Suh read which is susceptible of

being taken either for or The mean-

ing is substantially the same, whether wc adopt

续。 r 響 以 役西土 ，- the transla-

tion of this is after K*ang-shing. Ma Yung and Wang Suh took the clause as = * do your best to serve our western land.* Gan-kw6 under- stood it differently: 一 4 It is thus you will make them submissively acknowledge the righteous- ness of our western land * 10. ^Jry

不最， _as 最哉夫 子 ha8 been re*

peated at the close of the several instructions or admonitions, we must suppose that the warn- ing here belongs to euch of them. The 4 Daily Explanation 1 paraphrases the 9th and 10th parr.

過勇 ，則 不免于 濫殺. 惟 當于凶 殘 者取之 ，抗拒 者誅之 .若 有奔走 來降者 勿迎 而擊之 ，以勞 役我西 土之人 ，勉哉 爾將士 .其武 勇 1 奮而犁 降是戒 可也, 爾將 土若于 ft 之命 ，而* 所不勉 或輕進 •或 貪殺 ，或 無為 而教择 ，是 違號令 ，而 失 紀律也 ，則軍 有常刑 ，必 戮及爾 身罔有 攸赦矣 .可 不戒哉 *

VOL. III.

S3

THE BOOKS OF SHANG.

BOOK III. THE SUCCESSFUL COMPLETION OF THE WAK.

節

于 步己翼 死壬惟 O 征！ 王日魄 > 辰一武 厥^ 伐周 屬癸越 旁月成

I. In the first month, the day jin-shin immediately followed the end of the moons waning. The next day was k'vei.ke, "when the king in the morning marched from Chow to attack and punish Shang.

川 （p. G), he states how he had inherited tlie possessions and the duties of king W3n, and how he declared to the spirits tlie crimes of

Show ; f_ 曰 惟有道 (p. 6) to 無作

(p. 8), he repeats bis prayer to the spirits.

From 旣戊午 to the end, the historian again resumes liis narrative, aud tells of the attack on Show, of his death, of Woo^ entrance into the capital of Yin, and of liis governmental measures.

The prayer, however, which concludes with 和 卡 jjj 巾 is incomplete. Accordiug to the analogy of other prayers, recorded in tlie 左傅， there ouglit to be, after those words, some protestation by Woo of liis own intentious. And when all the princes and officers were re- ceiving： tlieir investitures and commaiuls from tlie new emperor of the House of Chow, we cannot suppose that he (】id not tuklres8 tliem, in a manner similar to T^ng, in his ^nnounce- ; nicnt.* With so ruany speeches to them beiore ! the conflict， we cannot believe that he 8in)j)ly related to thorn after its close hi« prayer to tho I spirits. On tlicsc two grounds I must conclude I tliat a ponion of the Book, immediately follow- ing these words— ^1(F has been

l〇bt.

The Name of the Book. 一 4 The Successful Completion of the War.* The phrase - 武成， meaning, literally, 1 military affairs completed,* occurs in the 3d paragraph, and has thence been taken to denominate the Book. It is not objectionable as a designation ; though it by no means covers the contents, they all grow up around the acconiplisliment of Woo*s enter- prise. The Book is iound only in the old Text.

Difficulties in thk akrangkment and in- terpretation. These will fully appear in the course of the exposition ; it may be sufficient here to describe them generally, and for that jjurpose I will use in the first place the words of Ying-tft. He says: 一 ‘This Book consists mainly of narrative ; the portion composed of the king’s words is small. The lanpuap：e of the several parts is without the beginning and the end properly marked, and its roinposition altoge- ther is different from that of the other Books.

Frum 彳‘隹 — •月 (p. 1) down to 受命于

(P- historian relates the march to

the attack of Yin, and the return from the enterprise, with the assembling- of the princos: 一 as introductory to the words of the king.

1 丨， r〇m 王赴白 to 大棘 未集 (lmtl 丨

in p. 5), Woo narrates the rise ol' their House of Cliow ； from 予小子 (p. 5) to 名山

Bk. III. P. 1.

THE SUCCESSFUL COMI^.ETION OF THE WAR.

307

4 Perhaps it was wanting when tlic tablets were hiddeu away in tlie wall ; perliaps it was among tlic cont'usod and broken fragments whicli Gai\-kwd s.iys there were in adrlition to the 58 B〇(»ks which lie recovered. As he found in the tablets ot’ this Book a beginning it iind an end, he did not say anything of tlie intenne- diate portion being deficient.*

Yinjr-tft was thus of opinion that the Book 、vas deficient ; but it does not appear that lie liad any doubts as to the relative order in which the several portions stand. He thought some tablets were lost ; but did not suppose tlmt any of those preserved had been displaced. In the Sung dynasty, however, the critics assmued not only that there were portions missing, but that the remaining tablets were all disordered

t Woo anil Sliow, groinp on to subsoquont events,

1 and important governmental measures of the new dynasty.

Ch. I. Pp. 1—4. The march to tub attack,

AND CONQUEST, OF ShANG. Tllli ltETURN, AND ' MEASURKS ON TIIB CONCLUSION OF THE WAR.

1 •惟 一月 壬辰旁 死魄，

4 the first month,; but whether we

are to understand the first month of the Hea

year, 一 the first month of spring; or the flnet month of the Chow year, 一 the second month of winter, cannot yet be determined. Ts‘ae endeavours here to reinforce his view that

the month is the first of the Hea year, by

calling attention to the language,

一月，

and confused. Ch‘ing E-ch‘uen ( 程伊川 M Lew Gan-she (劉安 世 )， and others, had j

tlieir several ways of arranging them so as to I produce a consistent narrative ; and Ts‘》e Ch‘in， profiting by the determinations of his master I Choo He, pro<l«ced an edition of the Book, j ■wliiob has superseded the old one in the copies I of the Shoo wliich are now taught in schools. It will be found, witli a translation, in an appendix. Scliolars of the present dynasty for the most part acquiesce in his views, when they do not discard the old text altogether. There are some, however, who tliink they can improve oil him, and Wang Loo-chae has given a dis- position of the paragraphs somewhat different in his edition of 4 Doubts about the Shoo.’

随 i 祕 正 月 ; but tliis circumstance is of little weight. is the calendaric

name of the day, and it was (read plang9

3d tone, = ‘ near to close by ’)

4 next to the day of the dead cHsk.* This ex- pression is generally understood to be descriptive of tlie first day of the new moon. In p. 4 we

find the plirase 生 魄， denoting the 15th day or full moon. In p. 2, again, we have

生明， * the beginning of the birth of light/ as denoting the third day, when the moon first becomes visible. It is clear therefore that the

Maou K4e-ling will not admit either of dis- order or defect in the Book. He has certainly

proved by references to the 左傳 and the pB that the prayer of Woo to the spirits was a part of his speech or announcement to

the princes see tlie 尙書廣 聽錄， on

the So far it is established that the

disorder ia the parts which the Sung critics complained of and tried to remedy, 一 if indeed we should call it disorder, — existed even during the Chow dynasty. Maou says， ‘If the text be not good, we have only to be content with it as it is.’ In this he is right. The ingenuity of the critics has not been of service either to history or the classic.

Contents. Those are summarily and cor- rectly stated in the prefatory Notice. 一 ‘King Woo smote Yin; and the narrative of his pro- ceeding to the attack, and of his return and sending his animals back to their pastures, with his governmental measures, form 4 The Completion of the IFar.* The whole is divided in Yung- ching's Shoo into 9 parr., which I have re- arranged in 10, including them also in three chapters. The first chapter, containing 4： parr., consists of brief historical notes of the corn-

term was applied to the disk of the moon from the the time it began to wane until the new moon reappeared. How it came to be so j used, I do not perceive. The 說文 ha8 霸 instead of but pronounced in the same way ;

I and in the diet, we find the definition quoted,

j - 月 體黑者 謂之霸 ‘ ‘the b。#

of the mOon when dark is called

[Fan Sze-lin ) observes tli at

after the 1st day of the moon, the light went on to grow, and the darkness of her disk 魏) to disappear ； that if the previous month was * great J (consisted, that is, of 30 days), then on the second day of the month, the 4 light * began. He concludes that this was the case here, and

that the day denoted by was not

the second but the first day of the month. The editors of Yung-ching's Shoo are inclined to agree with him, saying it is more natural and ' in rule to find a specification of the first day of the month than of the second. This view does not seem unlikely.]

mencement and close of Woo’s expedition. The second also contains 4 parr., and gives the address (or a part of it) delivered by Woo to Ms nobles and officers on occasion, we may suppose, of their solemn recognition of him as emperor, and of his confirming some of them in their old investitures or appointments, and giving new ones to others. The third, in the two concluding parr., is again historical, and relates several incidents of the battle between

越翼 日努已 ，-越 = 及; 翼曰

= 明 H， the morrow : * 癸已 follows 壬 in the calendar. 王朝步 自周， 一 今 f， ‘ to travel，， ‘ to march

i8, literally, 4 the king paced it •’ 周 ^ uudertitood to stand here for Woo's capital,

308

THE SHOO KING.

PART V.

天林 放華文 ，乃商 ，叽四 下之牛 山歸偃 至王月 茆野 ，于 之馬武 于來哉 •服 示桃陽 ，于修 艷自生

In the fourth month, at the first appearance of tlie moon, the king came from Shang to Fung, when he hushed all the movements of war, and attended to the cultivations of peace. He sent back liis horses to the south of mount Hwa, and let loose his oxen in the open country of T^aou-lin, showing tlie empire that he -would not use them again.

called Haou (^^), wliidi wns 30 le south of the pres. dis. city of Ch4ang-gan, dep. of Se- gim, Shen-se. In the next par. it is stated that he returned to Fung, which had bten the capital of his father Wan, in the pres. dis. of Hoo

(零 办 of the same dep. The two places were only about 8 miles apart ; llaou on the east of the river Fung, and Fung on the west of it. The site of Haou was converted into a lake (

明池) by the emp. Woo ( IM: 宗孝武

帝， b.c. 139-87) of the Han dyn. 于征 # 商, 一于 •= 往， go,’ ‘to proceed.’

[We saw, in the 4 Great Speed),* Tt. ii., p. 1, tliat on the day mow-woo, tlie 28th day of the 】st inonth, king Woo hnlted on the northern bank of the llo. On tliat same clay he had crossed the river ； 一 see the 9th par. below. The distance from Haou to M&ng-tsin is s.aid by Ying-tft to be 1,000 le, and I have seen nnotlier estimate of it at 900 le. Taking the larger number, we have 25 days* marches, of 40 le each, or about 14 miles per day, which could be accomplished without difficulty. Five days after (the day Woo drew up Ins army

in tlie border? of Sliang, and waited for tlie dawn of the next morning, the 4th duy of the month, to decide the contest between himself ond Show.

After the battle, Show fled to th« 4 Stag tower/ and burned himself to death. In the i»e«Tn time, Woo, having received tlu* con^rntu- lntions of the princes on hi« victory, pressed on lifter tlie tyrant. On arriving at tlie capital, the people were waiting outside the wnlls in anxious expectation, whicli the kin^ relieved by sending liis ofHccrg among： tliem with the words, — 4 Supreme Heaven is sending down blesBing* ( The multitudes reverently saluted the king, wlio bowed to them in return, and liurried on to the place wliere the dead body of Show was. Having cli.sclmrg- I ed three Arrows at it from his chariot, he descended, struck the body with a li^ht sword.

and cut the head off with his fellow* battle- axe, and made it be suspended from tlie staff of a large wliite ting. Much in the same way he dealt with the bodies of two of Show^ concu- bines who had killed themselves ; and then returned to his army. These accounts are taken from the 4 Historical Records,* and are put down by subsequent writers as lying legends, inconsistent with Woo*8 character.

Next clay he entered the capital of Shang in great state, attended by his brothers and t)ie chiefs of his host, and solemnly accepted tlie charge of the empire. It wns said to him, on behalf of all the nobles, 4 The last descendant of the House of Yin having destroyed and disowned the bright virtue of his forefathers, having insolently discontinued the sacrifices to the spirits, and having blindly tyrannized over the people of Shan^, the report of his deeds ascended to the great God in heaven * (~H*

顯聞 于天皇 上帝) •心 心

W 〇〇 bowed twice, witli hi9 head to the ground, and said, * It is right that I should change the great charge ; that I should put away the House of Yin, anc] receive myself the great appointment of Heaven * He then a^Ain bowed twice, with his head to tlie ground, and went out.

In this wfty king Woo took on )uinself the sovereignty of the empire. One of his first steps was to appoint Sliow's son, Lul»-foo

prince over the domain of Yin ; and he appears to have remained in the capital of Slian^ between two and three months, employed in tlie measures described in the lust two parr, of this Book， and in others requisite to the cstnl)lishment of tlie dynasty of his House.]

Pp. 2, 3. ill ensures in the \th month showing that the war was over. 2. 四 月

吉 (^ ( 1=1 始） 明 ，一 this 、va8 tlie Sd dny

of the month ; 一 see on the last pur. But there Imd been nil iutercahiry month between This is proved in the following manner. 一 The d:iy of pur 3 evidently belonged to the 4tli

Bk. III. P. 3.

T1IE SUCCESSFUL COMPLETION OF TIIF. WAR.

309

成>大 戎、 三豆奔 侯胤祀 O 〇 吿柴日 邕走 .衞 .邦于 旣斌望 J 方越執 駿甸周

m

3 On tlieday ting-we he sacrificed in the ancestnil temple of Cho\r, Avlien the chiefs of the imperial donuiin and oftlie te(»n, how, and wei domains all hurried about, carrying the dishes. Three days after, lie presented a burnt-offering to Heaven^ and worshipped towards tlie mountains and rivers, solemnly announcing the successful com- pletion of the war.

month. 甲子， the day of the battle of number ; 一 see Iv 'e-ling^ jpj*

Muh, was the 4th of the 2cl month, which we 詞， Bk. IV” on the point, may suppose had 29 ilay9. This brings us to _

官， for the first d»y of the next month, the ; ， .t,,e L Ke， the Bk •樂 記， PP. 29-22, . there is an expansion of the text, celebratip.g

18th of wliich was a J day ; but it could King Woo. It may he tluit tlie author hncl be-

not \^e that of the text. \Ve have to count 60 fore him some copy of the 武成， current in ilaiys before we come to the next — J day, ! the Han dy.uisty, fuller tlian tliat which we

which would consequently be in the 5th month, now have. In p. 19, it is said 一 unless there was an intercalary month between ( -44* .'JT

the 1st and the 4th. The clironologers are nil 山 陽^， f/lj 卵 〒 复 畔 1 " 女

agreed in supposing that there was a second j.jl -7-- -h, op

month intercalary this year; and consequently IHJ yff

the ting-we day of the text would be the 18th 甲 衅而藏 之府舉 而弗復 or 19thofthefo«rth mouth. 至于豐 ’甩倒 載干戈 ，包之 以虎皮

••… 然後天 下知武 王之不 復用 兵也]

-Fung was the capital of Wfin and here was tlie ancestral temple of the princes of Chow. That was the reason, as we gather from the next par., why Woo went in the first place to

Fung and not to Haou. 偃武 修文，

一 in the rest of the par. we have two instances of the 4 hushing of military measures,* (偃 is defined by {to sleep/ *to send to sleep);* ^ hat * the cultivations of peace ' were, we are

lwt t(>id_ 華 山之陽 = 華山之

南， ‘tlie south of mount Hwa.’ For mount Hwa, see on ‘The Tribute of Yu，’ Pt. i” p. 62.

3. Various sacrifices, and solemn announcement of the completion of the War. 丁未 祀于 一 the fourtli month would commence on or according as tlie

vious one had 29 or 30 days, and 丁未 must have been tlie 18th or 19th day. Before setting out on his enterprise, Woo had sacrificed to his father, to God and tlie earth (4 The Great speech/

The 1 wild of T-aou-liu ' (Peach forest) is * Pt- '•> P- 10) ； here at its close lie sacrifices, and, referred to the country about ；the hill of Muh- we nlay g'^s ^anks at the sa.ne

new (敕半 )， called also the 丨丨 ill of K.«a-f〇〇 altars. 邦’刮 .合 ^ 丨访， ―卿 the account

(夸泛 )， in the south-east of the pres. dcp.

of l^ung-chow ( 同州 )• An objection has been taken to tlie credibility of the account here on the ground tliat tlie horses and oxen belong- ed to the people, — were only contributed by them for the expedition ; and that to nppropriate them to himself in this way, instead of return - inj; them to their owners, was an act befitting Sliow. and not at all to be expected from king Woo. But we may be sure these were Woo’s

and figure on pp. 148, 149, of the divisions of the empire under tlie Chow dynasty. By the we must understand, I think, the central division, 一 the imperial domain and

令箭 , 、ve have three of the divisions wliich lay beyond it, — a part for the whole of the five domains whicli constituted the 4 middle king- doin.’ We cannot account for the irregularity of the order in which they are given. After 撮 j*

own horses and oxen. If it be granted that t)ie i ^ t /=^ • , … f ，

people did supply a portion of the animals used we mus^ understiind equivalent to the

iii war, the sovereign himself furuibhed a larger chiefs^ wliich I have supplied in the translation.

310

THE SHOO KING.

PART V.

呼^艮王调 。命工 曁 家庶生

奢 孝嗚若 〇 乎 受盲舍 养魄 >

After the moon began to wane, the hereditary princes of the various States, and all the officers, received their appointments from Chow.

Gan-kwo defines by 4 great/ l\n great state；* it is better to take it with Ts4ae

after the 爾雅 ‘ as = 速. 丘 蓬 ，-

see Con. Ana., VIII , iv. 3. It was an honour to the chiefs and princes to assist at the sacrifice.

越三日 庚戌， _between “ 叩 -we

and krmg-seuh there are two days, so the latter was the 21st or 22d day of the month. In Bk.

XII., p. 2, we have 芮午越 三曰戊

E^I, where both ping-woo and mow-shin must be reckoned to make up the three days ; — the writers had difierent methods equally legitimate, of reckoning. — see on the * Can. of

Shun/ p. 8. 一 see on the * Can. of Shun/

p. 6. This sacrifice was offered, I suppose, at the altar of the great earth, mentioned in Bk. I., Pt. i., p. 10. 4. 77/e princes and officers

receive their appointments from Woo, as the first

emperor of the dynasty of Chow. 旣生魄 — the moon begins to wane, — the darkness is born — after the full moon. The day indicated in the text is generally supposed to be the lGth ; but Ch^n Leih, observes that, if that liad been

the da}% the phrase would have been 魄， corresponding to 旣生明 in p. 2. He would lay stress therefore on the as sliow- ing tlmt the darkness was not only ‘born，’ but liad made some growth ； and fixes the day as the 17th. But here there is a difficulty. 一 The lnstorian goes backward instead of forward with liis narrative; tlie 17tb would precede the d.ay ting -we. Ying-ta calls attention to this cir- cumstance, he himself supposing the flay to be the 16th ； and in the lact of the chiefs assisting at the sacrifice in the ancestral temple he sees a proof that they had previously received their appointments from king Woo. I should myself extend the force of the 旣 much more than Ch‘iii does. Why may not the phrase 旣生魄 indicate any between the 16tli and the end of the month, when we should come to the * death * or end of the darkness ? The his» torian has chosen to indicate tlms indefinitely tlie day when the princes ami officers received their appointmentH from Woo. As to their assisting on the clay ting- we at his sacrificial service, that might very well be. Things could not be done in order while the revolution was in progress. From the taking the field against Show down to tlie new commissioning of rulers iiiiHer the new supremacy, all was irregular and

only after this would a new order of thing9 take its course.

[In the Books of the early Hail dynasty,

歴 志 ，第 一 •，下 ， eQmPiled V Lew 1Iin

we find three quotations as from the 武成. The first agrees with tlie 1st par. of the

chapter.- 惟一月 壬廣旁 死霸，

若翼 日癸巳 ，武王 乃朝步

自崩 ，于征 ft 射. The second

is not found in the received text, nor any trace of it； but it agrees sufficiently with the first par. of the 1 Speech at Muh/ and the statement

in the 9th par. of tliis Book. 一 粵 若來二 (some editions have — », incorrectly) 月 ，旣

死 導五日 甲子， 咸劉商

It is then stated that there was a second month intercalary iu this year which be- gan with the day ; that the third month

began with 已 and the fourth month with 已丑 • Then comes the third quotation. 一

惟 四月旣 旁生霸 ，粤六 f? 庚戌， 武王燎 于周廟 ，翼曰 辛亥祀 无 天位， 、導五 B P 卯 ，乃以 麁國祀 si 于扁 屑，

4 In the fourth month, on the day kdn^-seun, the 6th after the 16th, king Woo made a fire in the ancestral temple of Chow. Next day,— tlie day sin-li;ie, 一 he sacrificed at the altar of Heaven; and five days after.— on the (lay yih- maou, 一 attended by the princes of the various States, he sacrificed and presented the heads of Show and his two concubines in the ancestral temple.* Here tlie intimations of time are different from those which we have in parr. 3

and 4 of tlie text. Possibly the the of par. 3; 一 and they are referred to the same day. We cannot trace any other correspondencies.

The question occurs, 一 Where (lid Lew II in find the copy of tlie ^rom which he

made these quotations? Yen Sze-koo supposed tlu»y were taken from some copy of Fuh-shang's Book.« ; sec an art. by Choo lie in the 集說. But ruh-»hang did not po^»ci»s the

Bk. III. P. 5.

THE SUCCESSFUL COMPLETION OF TIIE WAR.

311

德、 其撫勳 > 考其擊 前歇后 唯九方 誕文勤 基烈， 太惟 九小夏 王王 至公先 年 肩大天 克装迹 厅劉王 大懷 邦命, 成我王 犬克建 絲其 畏以厥 文季王 弗

5 II. The king spake to the following effect: — u Oh ! ye host of princes, the first of our kings founded the State and commenced our territory. The duke Lew was able to consolidate tlie merits of his predecessor. But it was the king T(ae who laid the foundations of the imperial inheritance. Then king Ke was diligent for the royal House ; and my deceased father, king Wan, completed his merit, and received the great decree of Heaven to soothe the regions of the great bright land. The great States feared his strength ; the small States cherished his virtue. In nine years, however, the whole

Yen J5-ku, Wang, Ming-shing and others think | that he took them froru the copy of tlie 4 Old Text/ which Gan-kw5 had transcribed, and which was preserved in one of the imperial repositories. We kuow that Lew Hin had ： access to this copy, and it is possible that he

might quote from the 武成 in it.

There is, however, another way of accounting for the quotations. There was a copy of the 武成 current in the Han dynasty, as we have seen there was of the K4ang-

shing states that it was lost in the reign of the founder of the eastern Han, a.d. 25-57. We do not know whence it was derived. From the last quotation we may suppose that its cliaracter was like that of the copy of the 4 Great Speech/ which likewise disappeared. It appears to me more likely that the quotations by Lew Hin were made from it than from the 4 Old Text * to which he had access. The authority of the re- ceived text, such as it is, need not be affected by the differences between it and the passages

in the 律歷志 .

Ch. II. Pp. 5, 7. Address of king Woo to

THE PRINCES, ON GIVING THEM THEIR INVES- TITURES. 5. Sketch of the history of the

House of Chow from its founder' to king Woo,

See the introductory note to Book I. on the

name of tliis Part of the Shoo. 先王 ‘the former king,5 = 4 tlie first of our kings.* Ying- tft says that we know that K% Sbun's min. of agriculture, must be intended, because he is mentioned before the duke Le\r. The predi- cates一 建 邦啟土 一 sufiicieutly indicate

I

the same. K*e was not a king, but Woo here

= him so. ® 前勒 ’= 篤厚

jcjyj' . K*e is to be understood as

Lew's 4 predecessor.* 一 by king

T4ae is intended Tan-foo.

一 4 first founded the traces of imperial sway；* see in the She King, the * Praise-songs of Loo,* iv. 2, where it is said of T4ae that 4 he dwelt on the soutli of mount K4e, and began to shear the

dynasty of Shang* (居 岐之陽 ，實 始翦商 ) ； 一 not, say the critics, that he had any intention to do it, but tJie hearts of the people were so drawn to him, that they became

devotedly attached to his House. 文考 — *my deceased father W^n, the king Wan.’ We cannot well repeat the honorary title in the translation. 一 1 greatly

received 膺 = 受. 以 撫方夏 = 以撫 安四方 諸夏。 u 夏，

see the Can. of Shun, p. 20. 大邦畏

其力 ，小邦 fe 其德， -this passase

is quoted, as from 4 the Books of Chow/ in the

左傳 襄三十 二年. 大

— lthe great united whole.* 未集 = 1 was not yet collected

in his person.*

312

TIIE SIIOO KING.

PART V.

民 > 殄商有 曾大后 之承未 爲天王 大孫瓜 太罪 J 厭集. 天物沒 正周既 所吿志 。予 下害 無于王 惟過于 〇 小 逋虐道 腐, 發省名 皇底汗 逃 悉暴今 將道山 天商其

empire was not collected under his rule, and it fell to me, Avho am but a little child, to carry out his will.

Detesting the crimes of Shang, I announced to great Heaven and the sovereign Earth, to tlie famous liill and the great river, by which I passed, saying, 1 1, Fa, the principled, king of Ch〇Av, by a long descent, am about to have a great righting with Shang. Show, the king of Sliang, is without principle, cruel and destruc- tive to the creatures of Heaven, injurious and tyrannical to tlie multitudes of the people, chief of the vagabonds of the empire,

[In the 4 Doctrine of the Mean/ xviii., 3, it is said that 1 tlie duke of Cliow completed the virtuous course of Wan and Woo/ and that lie carried up the title of king to T4ae and Ke, and sacrificed to all the former flukes above them witli the imperial ceremonies.’ As it was thus tlie duke of Chow who carried up the title of king to Tan-foo .and Ke-leih, completing what Woo had left undone, it lias been asked how we find those titles here in the mouth of king Woo.

I apprehend that tlie merit of the duke of Chow wus in extending the practice of honouring an- cestors, beyond the circle of the impcrifil family, to 4 the princes, the great officers the scholars, and the common people.* Kinp Woo no doubt took counsel on tlie subject with his brother tlie duke of Chow. Perhaps it was by his advice that he did it ; but there can be no doubt that he had conferred the titles mentioned in the text. The tiling is commemorated in the Le Ke, the Bk. p. 2. I give the whole

paragraph here, because it gives a strong con- firmation not only to this p«ar., but also to tlie two

preceding ones. - 牧之野 ，武王 之大1

事也旣 事而退 ，柴 於上帝 ， 祈於 社設奠 於牧室 ，遂率 天 下諸侯 執豆邀 ，逡 奔走， 追芏大 王亶父 ，王 季歴文 王昌 ，不以 卑臨尊 •]

l*p. 〇 — B. He relates the prayer which he addressed to the spirits of Heaven and Earthy of mount II wa and the //〇, in contemplation of the

cnja(jemcnl with Show. 6 •底商 之罪，

一 there is much difficulty in giving any appro- priate meaning to It lias been defined by

至 ，致， and 盛數. The last is given

in the 4 Daily Explanation ;* the * detesting* in the translation is ^8 allowable, and that is all

that can be said for it. 皇天 后土，

•一 comp, what was said on the plirase toI in Bk. I., Pt. i., p. 3. This is the only place in the Shoo where the combination 后土 occurs. Ying-tft understamls, I think correctly, by |Jj mount H、va, and the Ho by 川. Critics generally take and J|| in tlie plural. We must understand, of course, that Woo mado his announcement to the spirits 〇/ llca\Q\r, Kartli,

tlie mountain, and the river. 有道曾

輝， —I take 有道 ami 曾接 as i" ap-

position. Such is the view of Yinp-tfi, wlio observes tliat Woo, in asking tlie help of the spirits, and speaking of himself in contrast witli Show would not affect a false humility. Ts‘ae and otlicrs say tliat by *the principlecr Woo refers to his loreluthcrs, and construe the phrase

as under tlie rogimen of 曾孫， which mt.a"8

literally * great-grandson.* 周 王發-

Ts(ae supposes that is tui interpolation,

一 which seems very likely. 大正， -

comp, the use of the 4 Speech of T'ang,'

n 不敢 不正. 暴殄 天物，

Bic. III. l\

TIIE SUCCESSFUL COMPLETION OF THE WAR.

313

征 >命, ◦罔華 以賊獲 予主, 綏肆恭 W 夏遇承 仁小苹 厥予 天率蠻 亂上人 、于淵 士 東成俾 。紙 晷帝. 敢旣氟

ulio collect about liim as fisli in t.lie deep, and beasts in the prairie. I， who am but a little child, liaving obtained the help of virtuous men, presume reverently to comply with the ivill of God, to make an end of his disorderly ways. The great and flowery region, and tlie wild tribes of the south and north, equally follow and consent with me. Reverently obeying tlie determinate counsel of Heaven, I pursue my punitive work to the east, to give tranquillity to its

一珍 = 絶， ‘to destroy utterly ’ 天物.

*the creatures of Heiiven ;* * including men,* says Liu Che-k4e, 4 but they are further specified/

because of their greater importance.*

天下逋 逃主苹 (= 聚) 淵蠢，

一 the paraphrase of this in the 4 Daily Explana-

tiem’ is:- 夫卞有 _ 在 i 乏入， 所當 誅鋤之 ，以安 良善者 也受反 收留之 ，與彼 爲主， 有司莫 之敢捕 ，如 魚之聚 于深淵 .獸 之聚于 林藪， ‘心

criminals and vagabonds of the empire ought to be taken off and rooted out, to secure the re- pose of the good, but Show receives and inain- tains them, anil is their chief, so that tlie officers do not dare to apprehend tliem. They are as fisli collected in the deep waters， and as beasts gathered together in the forests and thickets.>

予小 子旣獲 p 人 .- have

seen the references made bv Woo in the * Great SiK'ech,1 Pt. ii., 9, et ai, to his * virtuous men/ We may compare with the sentiment here tliat of T'ang in liis * Announcement, J p, 4., where he says that before taking his measures against Ke6, he 4 sought for tlie great sajje, witli wliom he might unite his strength * (^1

與 名戮边 承上帝 = 承

卜 * to receive or comply with

tlie will of God •’ 育 L — Gan-k'vO takes 略 in the sense of 路， 6 ways Ts;ae takes it in that of Counsels/ 4 plans.* Both expla- nations are allowable. 華夏 ._see on the * Can. of Shun/ p. 20. 兔脊 薄百， 一 see Aua., XV., v. 2. 辞 I j 申 ■， 一 Ts'aeaud others

‘to follow, •

_ 俾 here in the sense of so tliat the clause = * all follow one another to follow me.* Gan-kwr> would put a comma at ami taking f 卑 in its common significatkm of join it to the next clause. This has in

its favour, that the 長营 in next par. stands more naturally at its commencement than as we read it at present. Tlie rhythm of tlie style, however, requires tliat we join 今々 and f 卑.

[In the 左傳 ，昭 七年， we find: - 昔武 王數紂 之罪， 以告諸 侯 ，曰 ，紂 爲天下 逋逃主 ，苹

淵藪 _ The quotation is important, not only as guaranteeing so mucli of the prayer, but also as showing that the prayer was a part of the address which king Woo made to the princes. It is on this that Maou K‘e-ling mainly relies in protesting against tlie way in wliich Clioo He and others propose to break up and re-arrange the paragraphs of tliis Book.]

7. See the manner in wliich this paragraph is adduced by Mencius, III., Ft. II., v., 5. There are important alterations in the struc- ture, the philosoplier not directly quoting, but using the passage so as to suit his purpose. Gan-kwo puts all the verbs in the past tense, saying that the description is of >vhat took place in the lltli year, when there was the first assemblage at Mang-tsin, ami Woo returned, without proceeding to the attack of Show. But there is no sufficient evidence of such a meeting.

The two clauses, moreover, — 恭天 成命，

肆予 東征， fix the whole par. to the time

then being, — the time in wliich was offer-

ing liis prayer. 健 f 欺左 黃，- ‘ bas-

keted their azure and yellow fabrics.9 See tlie many descriptions in the 4 Tribute of Yu* of the

VOL. m.

40

314

THE SIIOO KING.

PART V.

men and women. Its men and women bring their baskets full of azure and yellow silks, to show forth the virtue of us the kings of Chow. Heaven's favours stir them up, so that they come Avitli their allegiunce to our great State of Chow. And now, ye spirits, grant me your aid, that I may relieve the millions of the people, and nothing turn out to your shame ! ''

III. On the day mow-woo the army crossed the ford of Mang; on the day kwei lnie it was drawn up in array in the borders of

offerings brought in baskets. 昭我周 — * displaying our kings of Cliow.* Some say tli at; azure and yellow are the colours

me indeed •’ It is remarkable how, in the course of the prayer, reference is expressly made both to t God, and to 4 Heaven, J a« supreme. Why was it not addressed directly to God ? There are both imperfect monotheism and polytheism in

of heaven and earth respet'tively, and that the I . n /. 1 ^ ^ , ,

x \ x • u vu- * 1 it. God is recognized as supreme, and at tlie

object of brin^in^ such fabrics was to show ' - ® 1 * -

that the kings of Chow were as good and bene- ficent as Heaven and earth. It is not necessary to seek for such a recondite meaning. The briu^ing of the baskets was an expression of alle- giance, and ail acknowledgment of the virtues

of the House of Chow. 大 邑周， -1 take 邑^ here*= as we saw that Kcang Shing proposed to do in the last Book, p. 6.

8. 陆 J jji 巾， 一 the spirits are those of

Heaven and earth, of the mountain ；»nd the river.

The condusion is sufficiently hold. AVoo must have felt sure tliat his enterprise was right, and in accordance with the supreme mind and will.

Medburst (Theology of the Cliincse, p. 55) bas translated the par. : 一 4 Only may you sliins be enabled to assist me in settling the millions of the people, and do not bring disgrace on your bhin-ships.' lie observes upon it, that i the form of expression would intimate that there wag some power above the shins invoked, and that it was possible they might be unable to |

RTant the noodful assistance.* There is no such indication in the form of the exprsssion as he [

Biipposcs. 尙 克柑予 is not — * may you |

be, enabled to assist me/ but 4 grant me, I pr.iy

same time other spirits are recognized, who would give effect to llis will, and be

prayed to for that purpose. As Woo addressed his army in the grey dawn of the clay at Mull, we may say that he had but the grey dawn of religious knowledge in his niind.

1 will not add anything here to what I quoted from Ying-ta in the introductory note on the abruptness and seeming incompleteness with wliicii tlie prayer terminates. It would liave been better it. there lmd been some additional expression of WooJs own feelings and purposes, and some inculcation of duties on the princes. It may be that a portion of the Book 1ms been lost ； or it may be tli.at we do luave ail which Woo was pleased to say.

Ch. III. Pp. 9, 10. The rattle of

WITH KING \V〇0*S PROCEKDINGS IMMEDIATELY AFTER ； AND SUBSEQUENT MEASURES. 0.

旣戌 午師. 逾孟举 - e°mp. the

4 Great Speech/ Pt. i., p. 1. On this same day ho delivered the address recorded in that Part.

癸友 陳于 商郊， _kwei_hae WM

the 3rd of the 2d month, five days after nio、v- woo. From MAnpr-tsin to Show's capital was 400 /c, so that Woo must have hurried on his army

with great speed. 侯天休 命-‘ thp

favouniblo decree* of Heaven was to be seen in the result of the impending battle, about which

you, your help.* 'I'hc denotes an efficacy

in the spirits themselves, and gives cmphasiB, I w〇oVcirqnitc confide as we liave often seen to be its torco, to (he | clause has reference to the ceasing of tho word that follows, so thut 克泔予 ■■= ‘help raiiib which had fallcu all the v uy IVoin MfiUig-

太惟 其士太 篚 厥玄览 照我周 王 休震 om 用 跗我 大邑周 ◦〇

八 ® 4

惟爾有 神尙克 相予以 濟兆艮

VA 九節

無々 神羞 〇漑 戌 4*, 師逾 孟歐 癸充陳 于商郊 俟 天休命 甲于

Bk.III. P. 9.

THE SUCCESSFUL COMPLETION OF THE WAR.

315

Sliang, waiting for the gracious decision of Heaven. On the day kea-tsze, at early dawn, Show led forward his liostslike a forest, and assembled them in the wilderness of ]\luh. But tliey would offer no opposition to our army. Those in the front inverted their spears, and attacked those behind them, till they fled, and the blood flowed till it floated the pestles about. Thus did king Woo once don his arms, and the empire was greatly settled. lie overthrew the existing government of Slian〇f, and made it resume its old course. He delivered the count of Ive from prison, and raised a tumulus over the grave of Pe-kan. He bowed in his carriage at the gate of

tsin, so that they were able during the nijxbt to complete the order of battle. This view is at

once far-fetched and shallow. 甲子眛

多笔， 一 see the ‘Speech at Muh，’ p. 1. 其旅

若林 ，會于 牧野， -see the She King，

Pt. Ill” Bk. I. Ode II_， 7, 殷 商之旅 ，其

會如林 ，矢于 我野. Sze_ma

Ts;een says that Sliov^s army amounted to 700,000 men, which is doubtless a great exag- geration. 商 ^ i|j， — the historian

identifies himself with Woo^ army.

4 匕， 一 ；|匕 4 to flee.* Ts4een gives a difft. account of the battle. At least he makes no mention of Show5s troops falling upon one an- other, but says that 4 Woo sent his general Shang-foo, with a hundred of the most daring warriors, to dash forward at the head of a large body. Show’s army had no mind to fight, but really wished king Woo to penetrate their host. They therefore inverted their lances, and made ^*ay for his men. They in fact all revolted from Show, who fled at once to the u Stag tower.” ， This account is not reconcileable, however, with the statement which follows about 4 the blood flowing till it floated the pestles of the mortars.*

The remarks of Mencius on the passage — 命

are well known. He attests (VII. rt. II., iii.) that the Completion of the War* coiUaincd such a passage, tut protests against

[ believing it. — i Wlien the prince the most bene- volent was engaged against him who was the 1 most the opposite, liow could such a thin«r be ? * ： It gives, no doubt, an exaggerated description of tlie slaughter wliich took place, means

the wooden pestles of the mortars, which the I soldiers carried with them to prepare their rice.

I We need not suppose, as some do (see a note in

the 集傳 by 蔡淸 ；)， that they were

! the pestles used for pounding the earth in ! making the intrenchments. Maou K^-ling prefers the reading of , * shields,* for 杆.

i Alei Tsuh (+ 每 would save the credit of

Mencius at the expense of the classic. If, he argues, it bad appeared, as in the present text, that the slaughter was occasioned by Show's troops turning against one another, there would have been no occasion for the philosopher^ re- mark. The forger of Tsin evidently constructed his text that king Woo might not appear charge- able with the bloodshedding, which Mencius supposed might be attributed to him ! It is ! much more natural to believe that Mencius, in ! the impulse of his ardent nature, spoke as he

did, — unadvisedly. 一戎衣 ，- ‘。 ncehe

put on his martial garb/ See in the ‘ Doctrine of the Mean/ xviii., 2. Comp, also od 殪戎

殷， Bk. IX.， p， 4. 反商 政- ‘he

turned back the govt, of Shang/ i.e.y he took away the oppressive laws of Show, and then 一 followed the old govt/ i.e., the

昧肩受 率其 Ji 若沐 會于 敕展 罔有 敵于我 版 前徒倒 戈攻于 後以比 血流漂 托 一戎夜 天下 大定乃 反商败 ,Jri 由崔 1 裳一 于 亂封 Jt 干苗 I 式 商容間 散鹿臺

316

THE SHOO KING.

TAVxT V.

下報惇 五位惟 娜而 栗之 治。 执信鞔 事三爵 萬大既 垂明惟 惟建惟 姓赉發 拱義 ，食能 ，官丘 悅于鉅 而崇喪 重惟分 服四橋 天德祭 、民 賢立 ◦海之

Sliang Yungs village. He dispersed tlie treasures of Luh-t^ae, and distributed the grain of Keu-k4eaou, thus conferring great gifts throughout the empire, and all tlie people joyfully submitted.

10 He arranged the orders of nobility into live, assigning the ter- ritories to them on a threefold scale. He gave offices only to the worthy, and employments only to tlie able. He attached great importance to the peopled being taught the duties of the five rela- tions of society, and to take care for food, for funeral ceremonies, and for sacrifices. He showed the reality of his truthfulness, and proved clearly his righteousness. He honoured virtue, and rewarded merit. Then he liad only to let his robes fall down, and fold his liands, and the empire was orderly ruled.

govt, of Tkang and the other good sovereigns

who succeeded him. 釋箕 子囚封

一 see the concluding note to the

1 Viscount of Wei.' 式商 容間， -式，

gee Con. Ana.. X., xvi., 3. Shang Yung must have been some worthy in disgrace with Sliow, and living retired in his village. Ying-ta quotes 0〇mc account of liini from Hwang-p(oo Mcih's 伯- g 已， 1 川 t it is the production of a

later a«e- 散鹿 臺之財 ，發矩

一 of the 4 Stag tower * we luive Bpoken. Keu-k^aou was in the north east of tlie pres. dis. of Keuh-chow ( 曲周 )， dep. of Kwang-p^n^ (廣平 ). Ciiih-le, where Show

had collected great stores of grain. Those two measures were directed to the benefit of the in:isses of the people, impoverished by the exac- tions of the tyrant.

P10. 列 爾惟五 ，分土 惟三，

—this agrees with tlie account ol tlie iirrjmt^o- ment of (li^nities ami emoluments det(Tinine<l by the House of Chow, given by Mencius, Book V_， Pt. II.， ii. Tlie orders of nobility were the Kun^y How, Pih, Tsze and Nnn, to the two first of. wliich were assigned n limulivd of’

territory, each, while the Pih !ih(1 70, and the uiid the Nan only 50 U Hquare each. Yvn

Jo-keu absurdly says tliat tliis is different from the account of Mcihmus. It is different, how- ever, from the account whidi we find in the

Cliow Le, Bk. IX” (堆官 ，木 司徒 ).

There the orders of nobility are five, as in Men- cius, but the divisions of territory .are also five. To the Kung, it is said, there were assigned 500 /e square; to tlie How, 400; to the l'ih, 300; to I the Tsze, 200 ; and to the Nan, 100. I don’t see how tlie two accounts are to be reconciled. If it be said that the five-fold territorial division was made by the duke of Chow at a subseq'ient period, whicli is the view of K4ang-sliing, why did not Mencius advert to it? If it be said, that the larger dimensions arose from the usur- piitions of the States nmon^ themselves, which is the view of Ying-til, how is it that thoy havo

any place in the Cliow Lc ? 逑官 惟賢， 十作 • f 拒， — historian proceeds to Woo's provisions for tlie officers about his court. Mis object was to have none in office but men of talents and virtue, and that each nuurs duties shoulil be those for which he was specially able.

重民 五教. 惟佟喪 ，祭-

Gan-kwi5 explaiiu'd the former of these clauses by inserting an ffei between 民 and 五教,

一 1 he importance tlKquKjph' aiiti to

the inculcation of the live duties/ This is uofc so good as to take to be umlor the rogiiucn

Bk. III. P. 10.

TIIE SUCCESSFUL COMPLETION OF THE WAR.

317

of 五教. The force of Tjx oxtemls to the difft. terms in the second clause, and is usc«l as a connective particle. Lin die-k;e compares its use here with the same in the 4 Tribute of Yu/ Pt. i., pp. 44 and 51. It is said that Woo pave effect to this solicitude for the instruction of the people by establishing schools, 一 educa- tional institutions of Various kinds ; and to make pood the provision of food, he enacted 4 the hundred mow allotment and the share system *

(see Mencius, III., Yt. I., iii.). 惇信明 一十亨 = ‘ to make solid, or real.’ The or 4 truthfulness* belonged, tlic critics say, to all his governmental orders, and the fidelity with which they were kept, and the or 1 righteousness,* to all his actions. We liave in the 4 Daily Explanation : * 一 出 — •

必守 之以信 ，而始 終不淪 凡行 一事， 必裁之 以義而 動 無週漆 垂拱 = 垂表無

手， 4 to let the robes liang down, and fold his liands ceremoniously before his breast.* The meaning is, that by the excellence of his institu- tions and example, there was superseded tlie necessity of any further laborious measures or efforts. The good order of the government fol- lowed as a matter of course.

Concluding Notes. [ i ]. On the inves^ titures granted by king Woo. The

統 紀表， umkr the year b.c. 1121, gives a

list ot* the principal States into which the empire was divided in the dynasty of Chow ； 一 viz.

L〇。 (魯 )， 、Vd (衞 )， Vs* (蔡 )， Tsin (晉 )，

Tscaou (曹 )， Ch‘iug (鄭 )， Woo (^^)， Yen (^), Chin (|^), Sung (^), Ts^e (^), Ts£oo (^^)， and IVin I will not here

enter into particulars on each of those principa- lities, as I shall have to speak of most of them in connection with one or other of the following Books. I will now only refer to what is in the

Bk •劈套 g 已， of the Le Ke， Part iii” par. 19, 一

that 4 king Woo, on the overthrow of the Shang dynasty, before he descended from his chariot, invested the representative of Iiwanv2：-te with

the territory of Ke(^jj ; the pres. dis. of Ta-hing, in the dep. of Shun-tseen) ; the repre- sentative of Yaou with Chub ； the pres.

(lis. of Ch*ang-ts‘ing in the dep. of

Tse-nan)； the representative of Slum with Clrin (陳 ; the name remains in that of the dc*p. Ch4in-ehow, Ho-nan) ; and when he had descend- ed from his chariot, 一 i.e., subsequently, — lie in- vested the representative of Yu with K4e (祀; this name also remains in tliat of the dis. of K*e, in the dcp. of K4ae-fung) ； and he sent the

representative of tlic House of Yin to the ter- ritory of Sung* the pros. tlis. of Sliang-

k4ew (尚 氏 p), dep. of Kwei-tih, Ho-nan).

'Fliese appointments were frivon, not because of services rendered to the now dynasty, ns many others were, but from resjK?ct to the memories of tlic great men represented, that the sacrifices to their spirits mi^ht not fall into disuse.

[ ii ]. On the sperijirutinns of time in this nml the tiro prccediruj Books, lvin^ Woo proceeded from Iiis capital to the attack of Sliow on the 3rd clay of the 1st niontli of wluit is called his 13th ye.ar, b.c. 1121 (Gaubil, 1122); and iu the 28th day of t)mt montli 4 in the spring* (ac- cording to the * Great Speech,* Pt. i., p. 1), he crossed the Ho at Mang-ts4in. T8*ae Ch'in sup- poses tliat tlie year intended was that of Ilea, wliicli has been that of all the dynasties of China since the Han. Now the first month of the present Chinese year began on the 18th of our February, and the cycle name of the day

was mow-sliin (戊中 n we multiply 2984 solar years, which have elapsed since tlie 13tli of Woo^ reign, by 305.24224, we obtain the number of days from that time up to the en<l of last Chinese year, = 1,080,882.84416, or 181 04 cycles of day 8 and 42 days more. But it will be found, on calculation, that the first (lay of new moon in February, 2984 years ago, occurred three (layg earlier that in the present year. Reckoning back therefore 18,1 G4 cycles and 46 days more from mow-shin of the present year, we come to jin- seuh (-^» as the first day of the Hea year in the 13th of Woo’s reign ; anil the view of Ts{ae cannot be sustained.

Reckoning back other 30 days from

we come to the day jin- shin (-^* as the

first day of t)ie first month in tlie year of Shang ； and according to the view of Fan Sze-lin, ap- proved of ratlier by the editors of Yung-ching's Shoo, tins is the day intended in the classic as the first day of the first month spoken of. It is only one day after sin-maou. It would thus ap- pear that not only is Ts4ae in error in saying that we are to understand tliat the months in the text are the months of the year of Hea, but tliat the other commentators are equally mistaken in referring them to the year of Chow. They are those of the year of Shaug, beginning with tlie last month of winter. This conclusion lightens somewhat tlie difficulty <x*casioned by the men- tion of u the spring/* in the 44 Great Speech, par. 1. This is spoken with reference to the day mow-woo, which certainly was close upon the spring. If it be thought that the wliole of the first month is intended to be described as in 4 the spring,* we must believe that in conse- quence of deficient intercnlation, an error of one whole lunation had crept into tlie calendar by the time of the rise of the Chow dynasty. On suggesting that this might be the case to a very intelligent Chinese scholar, he replied, < How can you tliink that the sages could have blundered so?* But it will be found, from what will be seen in the prolegomena on the subject of the astronomy and chronology of the ancient Chinese, that tlii6 was probably the case.

318

TIIE SHOO KING.

PART V.

放至萬 鹿由流 有甲午 > 尙遏淵 暴周天 > 步惟 牛于 姓臺营 、漂 敵子師 克亂藪 .珍王 后自一 于豐 i 之釋杵 斤妹逾 柑氰予 天鼠七 胤凡 桃乃服 。財虞 一我爽 > 孟予. 華小物 .將所 于壬蔡 林偃 〇 發子戎 師> 受津 > 以夏子 害有過 征辰沈 之武 M 鉅囚 .衣 > 前率癸 濟蠻旣 虐大名 伐旁考 野 ，修四 橘封天 徒其亥 > 兆貊 k 獲祺 正山商 。死定 示文玥 之比下 倒旅陳 民> 罔仁民 k 于大 〇 魄 、武 天歸哉 粟斤大 戈$ 于無不 人爲商 JIL 底越成 下馬 生大墓 ，定 及林、 商作率 敢天今 氐商翼 弗于明 廣式巧 于會郊 .神俾 j 祇下 商惟之 EK 服。 華王于 商反後 于俟羞 。惟承 逋王有 罪及 山來 四容商 以牧天 ◦爾 上逃受 道告巳 之自鲰 軋政 ，北濟 >休 旣有帝 、主 、無 首于王 1商> 而散政 血罔命 > 戊神 > 以苹道 > 孫皇朝

APPENDIX.

THE COMPLETION OF TIIE WAR, AS ARRANGED BY TS*AE CH{IN.

In the first month, the jin-sliin immediately followed the end of the moon*s waning. The next clay was kwei-ke, when the king in the morning marched from Chow to attack and punish Sliang.

Declaring the crimes of Shang, he announced to great Heaven and the sovercipn Earth, to the famous hill and tlie great river, by which he passed, saying, (i, Fft, the principled, king of Chow, by a long descent, am about to have a great rigliting with Shang. Show, the king of Slmng, is without principle, cruel <and destructive to tlie creatures of Heaven, injurious and tyrannical to the multitudes of the people, chief of the vagabonds of the empire, who collect about him as fish in the deep, and beasts in the prairie. I, who am but a little child, liaving obtained Me 〇/ virtuous men, presume reverently to comply with the will of God, to make an end of his disorderly ways. The great and flowery region, and the wild tribes of the south and north, equally follow and consent with me. And now, ye spirits, grant me your aid, that I may relieve the millions of the people, and nothing turn out to your shame ! n

On the day inow->voo the army crossed the ford of Mftng; on the day kwei-hae it was drawn up in array in the borders of Shang, waiting for the gracious decision of Heaven. On the day ke&- tsze, at early djiwn, Show led forward his hosts like a forest, and assembled them in the wilerness of Muh. But they would offer no opposition to our army. Those in the front inverted their spears, and attacked those behind them, till they fled, .and the blood flowed till it flo**ited the pestles about. Thus did kinij Woo once don his arms, and the empire was greatly settled. He overthrew the existinr/ government of Shang, and made it resume its old course. He delivered the count of Ke from prison, and raised a tumulus over the grave of Pe-kan. He bowed in his car- riage at the gate of Shang Yung^ village. He dispersed the treasures of Luh-t4ae, and distributed the grain of Iveu-kcaou, thus conferring great gifts throughout the empire ; and all the people joyfully submitted.

In the fourth month, at the first appearance of the moon, tlie king came fVoni Shang to Fung, vhen he husliorl all the movements of war, and attended to the cultivations of peace. He sent b.ack his horses to the south of mount Hwa, and lot loose his oxen in the open country of T4aou- lin, ahowing the empire that ho would not use them again.

Bk. III.

TIIE SUCCESSFUL COMPLETION OF THE WAR.

319

After the moon began to wane, the hereditary princes of the various States, anil all the officers, received their appointments from Chow.

On the day ting-we lie sacrificed in the ancestral temple of Chow, when the chiefs of the ini- perial domain, and of the teeii, how, and 、vei domains， all lmrried ‘about, carrying the dishes. Three days after, he presented a burnt-oflering to Heaven, and worshipped towards the mountJiins and rivers, solemnly announcing the successful completion of the war.

The king spake to the following effect : 一 u Oh ! ye liost of princes, the first of our kings found- ed the State and commenced our territory. The duke Lew was able to consolidate the merits of his predecessor. But it was the king T4ae who laid the foundations of the imperi.il inheritance. Then king Ke was diligent for the royal House ; and my deceased father, king Wan, completed his merit, and received the great decree of Heaven to soothe the regions of the great bright land. Tlie great States feared his strength ; the small States cherished his virtue. In nine years, how- ever, the whole empire was not collected under his rule, and it fell to me, who am but a little child, to carry out his will. Reverently obeying the determinate counsel of Heaven, I pursued my punitive work to the east, to give tranquillity to its men and women. Its men and women brought their baskets full of azure and yellow silks, to show forth the virtue of us the kings of Cliow. Heaven's favours stirred them up, so that they came with their allegiance to our great State of Chow.

He arranged the orders of nobility into five, assigning, the territories to them on a threefold scale. He gave o 伍 ces only to the worthy and employments only to the able. He attached great importance to the people's being taught the duties of the five relations of society, and took care for food, lor funeral ceremonies, and for sacrifices. He showed the reality of his truthfulness, and proved clearly his righteousness. He honoured virtue, and rewarded merit. Then he had only to let his robes fall down, and fold his hands and the empire was orderly ruled.

旣生紙 >il^s 百工受 命于 崩〇丁東 祕于 ^ 胤邦 句侯& 脎奔屯 執豆蕙 越三 R 庚成 I 邕大告 武成。 〇 王 装 a 呜岷 羣巵 惟先 王建邦 厫七公 劉克 篤前亂 至于太 王 X 卓 基王沲 王 季其勤 王釔 我文 考文玉 克成厥 亂誕膺 天氚以 撫方鼠 大邦畏 其九 小邦懷 其齓 惟九 年‘大 統未 览斤 小子其 A 厥志 。〇 及天 成叙 肆予 東征綠 M 士太惟 其士 丸篚厥 W 览厢我 周王 天 休震軌 用附我 大邑風 〇 列爵惟 五‘分 土惟一 1〗 建官惟 贤 位事 惟畆 重民五 私惟食 喪象惇 信明氟 祟徳 報巩垂 拱而 天下治 。

THE BOOKS OF SHANG.

BOOK IV. THE GREAT PLAN.

屁 民天呼 ，乃 箕祀廉 S 我相陰 萁言于 。王 十洪 不 協隕于 ，曰 ,〇 勣有範 知厥下 惟嗚王 # 三

1 I. In the tliirtcenth year, the king went to inquire of the vis-

2 count of Ke, and said to him u Oh ! viscount of Ke, Heaven, unseen, has given their constitution to mankind, aiding aho the hannoiiious development of it in their various conditions. I do not know how their proper virtues in their various relations should, be brought i.ortli iu due oixler.”

The Name of the Book. — . 浴兮窜 ‘The Great Plan •’洪 = 大 /great.’ $6= S'

* plan/ Other synonyms of 範， given in the diet.， are and both conveying the same idea of 4 plan，’ or 4 iiuxlel.’ The name, like that of tlie last Book, is taken from tlie Book itself. We read in par. 2, that 4 Heaven gave to Yu tlie Great Plan, witli its nine Divisions.* Some would adopt the wliole of this, 一 洪範九 I# as the name ; but there would be no ttdvar»- tage gaincnl by dcpartiiig in such a matter, from the established usage. The Book is found in both the texts.

History op tiik Book, and Mode of In- TKKPRICTATION. Tlie visCOllllt of K〇 llUll 81lid tliiit when ruin overtook the IIouso of Slump, lie would not be the servant of another dynasty ; 一 see 4 The Viscount of Wei/ p. 8. Accordingly, lie* refused to acknowledge the sovereignty of kin^f Woo, who hail delivered him lrorn the prisou where bliow had put him, and lied 一 or

perhaps only rmde it knmvn that lie would flee — to Corea, lvin^ Woo respected and admired his iittachinent to the fallen dynasty, and invest- ed him with that territory. Jle now felt con- strained to appear at the court of Chow, when the king took the opportunity to consult him on the great principles of government, and the result was that he comnmnicaterl this 4 Great Plan, with its nine Divisions.* Bein^ first made public under tlie Cliow dynasty, it is ranked among the 4 iiooks of Chow.* It is often refor- red to, liowcver, as one of the ‘ Books 〇(* JSliimj;,’ «as haviiy^ cinanatod from the viscount of Ko, who should properly be adjudged to tluit dynas- ty. When we ivad the Book itself, we seo that it originally belonged to the tin»e of lloa, and at least the central portion, or text of it, 一 pnr. 4, — sliould be ascribed to ( the great Yu.' Wo luivc therefore a fragment in it of very ancient learning. Ilow this had come into the posses- sion of tlie viscount of Kc we esmnot toll. Jt does not seem to have occurred to the Cliin〇8〇 critics to liuike the inquiry. WhethcT wo should ascribe nil the panigrnphs from the 5t!i downwards to the viscount, is also a point 011 wliich I cannot undertake tu pruiiuuucc a posi-

bk. iv. r. 1.

TIIE GREAT PLAN.

321

tive opinion. Ilea Scuen ; Sung dyn.)

says that 4thousl» the words are those of the viscount of Ke, the record of them was made by the historians of Chow.*

That the central portion of the Book, and more or less of the expository part, came down from tlie times of Ilea is not improbable. The use of the number nine, and the naming of tlie various ilivisions of the kl>laiiJ, are in hnrinony with Vu's style and practice in liis 'Counsels/ ami in wliat we nmy call the 4 Domesday Book.’ We are told tlmt 4 Heaven— God — gave the plan with its Divisions to Yu.* Upon this Gan-kw6 says that * Heaven »：ave Yu tlie mys- terious tortense, which made its appcar.mce in tlie wiitcrs of the bearing marks on its back wt»ll defined, from 1 to 9 ; and thereupon Yu determined the meaning： of tliose munbers, and completed the nine divisions of the plan.'

This legend has been fathered ou Confucius, as we road in the 4 Appendix to the Yih king 5

(易释 ，繫 辭，， l’t i” P. 38, that ‘the II。

gave forth tlie Scheme, and tlie Lo gave forth tlie Book (or defined characters), which the sji^es (or sage) took as their pattern * (河 出圖，

洛出書 ，聖 人則之 )• Ifweadiiiit

that these words proceeded from Confucius or were edited by him, while it is jibsurd enough to speak ot' the two rivers giving fortli the Scheme and tlie Book, he says nothing of the Scliemc being on the back of a dragon, which lias been the current statement for more than 2,(M)0 years, or of the Book being on the back of a tortoise. Moreover, tliere is no evidence tlmt he meant to connect the k Book of Lo* with the 4 Great Plan* at all. We should ratlier imagine that he supposed the Schenie and tlie Book to be equally related to the diagrams of the Yih, and to have been both presented to Fuh-he. I luudly know an interpreter, how- ever, but Lin Che-k^. who has not adopted the statement oi’ Gan-kw6 ; and tlie consequence is tliat the explanations of this Book arc overlaid Avith ahsuni twaddle about the virtue of numbers as related to Heaven and Earth, to the Yin nnd the Yang, the cardinal points. &c*., &c.. The following tigure has been imagined as that wJiich was exhibited to Yu： —

鲁

• 瘳

籲

鲁 0000〇〇〇〇〇 ®

〇 O

o

〇 o

o 〇 o o o

o o

o

VOL. 1X1.

Near the head of the tortoise, it is said, were tlie nine open marks, ami opposite was the on© j close iuiu'k. Tlie two and the four wore at the shoulders； the six and tlie eight were by the feet Three and seven were on the left and right, and five were in the centre. Out of those numbers, odd and even, heavenly and earthly, now multiplied, now added to- getlior, the whole of the Pljin and its Divi- sions is developed, with a glibness of tongue und a leger-de-plume, which only familiarity with the V ili-king, and the applications of it to astrology, geomancy, and other follies can pro- duce. There is of course no 4 solid learning * in all this. We shrill have to endea- vour to treat seriously of it, when we come to the Yih-king, but it slioulil be exploded from the study of 4 The proat Plan.* The Book will be found d；irk enough in itself, but the vis- couiit of ICe says notliing of oct.ult qualities of numbers, from which the ideas in the different divisions of tlie Plan could be deduced. It will be iny object, tlicrefore, simply to elucidate the meaning of the wliole as a scheme of govern- ment, intended to guide all rulers in the dis- charge of their duties.

Gaubil says tlmt • the Book is a treatise at once of rh4vsics, Astrolog}*. I)ivin«tion, Morals, Politics, and Religion ； and tlmt it has a suffi- ciently close resemblance to the work of Ocellus the Lucanian.* There is a sliaflowy resemblance between the Great Plan and the curious speci- men of Pythagorean doctrine wliicli we have in the treatise On the Universe. The dissimilari- ties are still greater and more numerous. More j especially arc tlie different characters of the Greek mind, speculative, and the Chinese mind, practical, apparent in tlie two Works. Where the Chinese writer loses himself in the sheerest follies of his imagining, he would yet grope about for a rule to be of use in the conduct of liumjin affairs. One of the most interesting curiosities which were obtained iu 1861 from the 4 Summer palace 9 near Peking, was a scroll, purporting： to be in the handwriting of the emperor K4een-lung, dilating on the mean- ing ot* 4 The great Plau/ and the lessons to be learned by sovereigns from it. There is a

general agreement ainonsr the critics in assigning its place to tlie Book either among tlie 4 Coun- sels * of the Shoo, or among the 1 Instructions.*

Contents. I avail myself liere, with a little v.nriation, of the account of these given in tlie 4 Complete Digest * of commentaries on the

Shoo 系莖 莆 ^*). — The whole divides itself into three chapters. The first, parr. 1-3, is introductory, and describes how tlie s Great Plan with its Divisions* was first made known to Yu, and came at this time to be cominuni- cated to kinp： Woo. The second, in p. 4, contains the Plan and its Divisions. The third, parr. 5-40. contains a particular description of the several Divisions. 4 The wliole.5 says the writer,

• exhibits tlie great model for the govt, of the empire. The fifth or middle division on Royal Perfection is, indeed, the central one of the whole, that about which the Book revolves. The four divisions that precede it show how this royal Perfection is to be «ccomplished, cand the four that follow show how it is to be maintained/

Ch. I. Pp. 1 一 3. King Woo applies to

THI, VIbCOL NT OF Kl l： OR I>*I OIt3IATIO>' ABOLI

a

322

THE SHOO KING.

Pi\RT V.

IIOW TIIE GOVEUXMENT OF THE EMPIRE SHOULD BE CONDUCTED, AND IS TOLD BY HIM OF THE

Great Plan with Nine Divisions which Yl* got from Heaven. 1. 十有三 ) 祀， 一 the commentators observe that the Sluing

term for 4 year/ is here used instead of the Cliow 年 the viscount of Ke using the character to wliicli he had been accustomed. acc.

to Ts‘ae，= 就而 問之， = to and

asked liini.’ It implies 4 consult；! tion/ See the note on the History of tlie Book. 2.

王乃言 一 4 the king thereupon spoke,

saying/ The protracts tlie style, and in- dicates tlie deliberation with wliich tlie king niiide his inquiry. So in the next paragraph, 一

奠子乃 W 曰 .眞子 ，- king w。。，

it is observed, addressed the noble by his Sluing title, not having yet invested him with the territory of Corea. It may be so ; but he might also address him thus, the old designation being familiar to him, even if lie had already given liim liis new appointment.

民枇 協厥居 ，- If = 默广 4 secretly,*

‘ by a hidden influence p 截 = 4 to settle.’

Sze-ma Ts^een gives the text as 天陰定 which shows at least how he under-

stooJ the term Pj^. 'J'lie meaning tlien of the first clause is that 4 Ilenven, working unseen, has 】nticle men with certain hidden springs

of character.* As Gan-kw6 says, 天不

W 而默定 下民. This inter-

pretation is much to be preferred to tluat adopted by Keang Shing and others from Ma

Yung, who makes c= 胃， ‘to cover/ ‘to overshadow,* and =s 舉 = 生， ‘to

produce.’ 天 丨〗 虑 下 is tlius simply

== 4 Heaven that overshadows produced tlie in- ItTior people.* The next clause is continua- tive. and is to be referred to Heaven as its subject.

相 5 (3d. tone) =» 助， ‘ to aid.’ 協 = 合， ‘to unite, * * to harmonize. > 厥居 ，一 ‘llieir (lwe11. in# or ahidinff.’ This expression is difficult. Both the ‘ Daily Explanation,’ ami Kiiang Sliing

paraphrase it by .其所 當居止 之理，

Mhc principles in which tliey ought to abide.* (Jnn-kwo^ language upon it is enigmatical. Ho says tliat 4 Heaven thus aids and harmonizes tlioir abiHin^, so that they shall have a provision

for jirolongod life,* (是助 合其居 ，使 Y f 常 生之资 ). in expanding

tliin lins some striking tilings, lie says thnt 4 the people have been produced by supreme

lloavcu ( 民是上 夫所生 )， nn(1 both

body ami soul arc Heaven's gift

^^0* Men liave thus the material body and the knowing mind, and Heaven fur- ther assists them, helping tliem to harmonize their lives. Tlie right and tlie wrong of their language, the correctness and errors of their conduct, their enjoyment of clothing and food, tlie rightness of tlieir various movements: — oil tliese things are to be harmonized l»y what they are endowed with by Heaven. Accordance with the ri«*ht way gives life, and error from it lt*a<ls to den tli. Thus Heaven has not only given life to nicMi, and confeiTed upon tliem a body ami mind, but it further assists tliem to luirnionize their conditions of life, so as to have a pro- vision for its continuance * ( 天 非徒赋

命於人 ，授 以形體 心識 ，乃 復 f 與 諧合其 居業， 使有常

The fact is tliat the obscure text can only be brought out obscurely. "VVe cannot do better thau understand as meaning

4 the principles in which men slioulrl rest in their various conditions, * belonging to the com- plex constitution whicli God has given them.

I have said that llciiyen is the subject spoken

of in 郝 j 協 ^ J 欺届 ■. The text certainly sup- plies no other ; but Wang Suh supposed a 王 before thinking the meaning to be that ^leaven having produced men with tlieir jjcculiar constitution, and taking «nn interest in them, it devolves on the sovereign to give effect to the wishes of Heaven for nien^ virtue and liappiness.* Keang Shing： follows this view. It cannot be s«aid not to be in harmony with the general teaching of the classics. The text is thereby, indeed, brought into strict accordance with that in the 4 Announcement of l^ang/ p. 2. But tlie language in that passage is suffi- ciently exj)licit. I can find no subject in the text

fOT 批 協 but 天- rI'hc next clause, Jiow- ever, must be understood, I think, with refe- rence to the duty of tl»e sovereign, so that the whole parafrrai)h may be considered as very nearly equivalent to tliat referred to in the 4 AniiouJicement of

我不 知其释 偷攸救 _k5n*f

Woo, say many critics, knew very well all about the subject, lmt lie thus speaks to brin^ out the lenrnin^ of the viscount of Kc. We mny ratlior suppose that he speaks v itli refe- rem，e to tlie Giv*it l’lan tuul Us Divisions， of

which he liad merely Jieard. 爹:令 《= 常，

4 constant, * regular meaning bore the nature

of man, acting acconling to tlie regular laws of its constitution n]*p〇inti <1 by Ileavi'n. Coin- pare in the Sl»e King， 1”， "I.， Bk. 111., (hk* vi.,

天 生潘民 ，有 物有則 ，民 之 _， 好是. 翁德， ‘H_，， in

<rivin^ birth to tlie 〇l mon, to 〇vi*ry

I'lulowmcMit :ij)i)〇intctl its aj»pr〇i»riate law. Tlio ])〇ople, holding fust this constant nature, love

the virtue whicli is admirable/ 倫 = 人倫， ' the relations ol' liuman bucicty/ iu which arc

Bk. IV. P. X

THE GREAT TLAN.

323

彝錫 热攸 洪帝水 > 問 箕琪 偷禹 乃敎、 範乃汨 在于彝 攸洪 嗣鯀九 震陳苷 偷 敘。® 興 >則 _u 鯀百恢 ◦九 天殛彝 不五腰 氐氣 初 細氟 乃死 > 偷畀行 k 洪我 〇

3 The viscount of Ive thereupon replied, UI have heard tliat of old time IvSvan dammed up the inundating waters, and thereby threw into disorder the arrangement of the five elements. God was there- by roused to anger, and did not ^ive him 4 the great Plan with its nine Divisions/ whereby tlie proper virtues of tlie various relations were left to go to ruin. lvSvan was then kept a prisoner till his death, and Yu rose up to continue his undertaking. To him Heaven gave 4 the great Plan wirli its nine Divisions/ <Miid tliereby the pr〇[>cr virtues of the various relations were brouglit forth in their order.

seen the virtues of man's nature, intended by

蠢攸 = 所; 设 所以 ▲，

‘liow tliey are arranged.’

I have said that this clause is to be un- derstood witli reference to the work and duty of the sovereign. Gan-kwO. indeed, supposes tliat Heaven is still the subject

天 所以定 民之常 道理次

锻 ，問 何由 ); but the other view is gene- rally adopted. The explanation of the whole paragraph, given by Clrin Ya-yen (陳雅 ~ ; Ming dyn.) is the best which I have seen :

- 武王意 人苕代 天埋物 ，必 仰承 天意以 治民， 而使其 届之 順其常 ，得其 正以無 負 4： 天 陰隙柑 協之心 者， 其道 知 於蠢其 桑# 人倫 也我 欲鍛之 ，不钿 所以瀲 之 之道當 何如此 間箕子 以爲治 之道也 ，箕 子於是 营以洪 範九疇 ，爲爲 治:之 号蓋九 疇之翁 ，旨 li 彝之所

Gaubirs translation is 一 4 Le ciel a dts voies secrettes, par lesquolles il rend le peuple tranquille et fixe. II s^nit a lui pour l'aider a garder son Etat. Je ne connois point

cette regie: quelle est elle?* Modliurst endea- vours to keep more close to the text : — 4 Heaven has secretly settled the lower people, aiding and according with that in which they rest ; ! but I do not know the arrangement of those I invariable piinciples.*

鯀 陛洪水 ，-陲 = 塞， ％

I (lam up.’ Instead of finding a vent for tlie I accumulated 'vaters， as liis son Yu did, K>、van . attempted to remedy the evils of their inunda- i tion by damming them up. 汨陳 五行， — for the 4 five elements,* see the 5tli par. 汨 菌 ‘ to confuse/ ‘ to throw into disorder.’

= 列， ‘to arrange，’ ami 陳 五 = 上

帝 如 陳列 之五行 ，‘ the five ele-

ments arranged by God/ How dam-

ming the waters — dealing wrongly with one element 一 should derange all the other elements, is a statement which 1 can make notliing of.

不男: j 共範 九疇 ，-畀 = 與，

* to give to ; 5 4 sorts/ 4 classes/ 4 divi-

siuns.’ 倫奴戰 ，-戰 (read _

= ‘ to subvert,’ ‘to ruin.’ How tlie conse- quence here stated took place, is likewise a thing which I doift understand. 资系與 J

歹兩 夕 b 一 see the £Can. of Shun/ p. 12.

天乃錫 禹洪範 九疇- we have

seen, in the second introductory note, how it is fabled that Yu received the great Tlan from

324

THE SHOO KING.

PAKT V.

九曰明 3 皇紙 次三 >曰、 目念 用二極 4次 亂 曰敬曰 嚮 用稽德 ，次五 ，曰 農用五 用庶疑 > 次六 ，曰協 用五行 > 互徵 ，次 七曰建 用八事 、次 福 ，次八 曰义 用五政 , 次 ：=；

4 II. u Of those divisions^ the first is called c The five Elements ; ? tlie second is called 4 The Reverent Practice of the five Businesses7; the third is called 4 Earnest Devotion to the eiglit objects of Go- vernTnent;, the fourth is called 4The Harmonious Use of the live Ar- rangements,; the fifth is called cThe Establishment and Use of Royal Perfection 7 ; the sixtli is called 4 The Cultivation and Use of the three Virtues,; the seventh is called c The Intelligent Use of the Examination of Doubts the eiglitli is called c The Thoughtful Use of the various Verifications 9 ; the ninth is called 4TIie Hortatory Use of the five Happinesses, and the Awing Use of the six Extremities/

Heaven. Lin Clie-k^ held that all which is [ meant by the text is that Heaven gave Yu the j mind and the enlightenment to conceive and ' describe the Plan. Choo Me was asked wliat he thought of this view, and whetlier it was not | (•ontrary to the Yih King, which says that 4 the i L6 gave forth the Book/ Me answered, 4 Suppose that Heaven had only now given the Book of L6, if it did not also give the mind to interpret it, no man would understand it ! Neither the old account, nor Liu Che-k^e's, is to be set aside *

( 便使 而今天 錫洛書 ，若非 天 啟其心 ，亦 無人埋 會得， 兩說似 不可偏 廢也) •. 1

have said 1 doirt understand how the virtues and relations were left to go to ruin, in conse- quence of KSviti^s failure: Clrin Sze-k*ae has ! tried to explain the difficulty, but witli little |

»ucccs9. He says : — 陶 唐之盛 ，於變

時雍 之際， 又何彝 偸之数 哉此 非言朝 廷也， 蓋五行 旣 泔九功 未敘獸 蹄烏迹 之道 ，交 於中 國堯玆 鎰之， 此麴 倫之 所以戰 也豈必 綱常絶 滅而後 s 胃之 數哉 • !

G’h. II. P. 4. Tm; GRKVT AND ITS

nini: Divisions. The render must not suppose that the (fn»at I^lan wns something j diffVront from it» nine Divisions, it was merely the couihination of tluMii.

This paragraph is supposed to be the work of Yu. According to Lew Hin, indeed, the whole 65 characters were upon the back oi* tho

tortoise ; see the 前漢書 ，五 行志，

上凡 此六 十五字 ，皆 洛書

本文 • Gan-kw6 says he did not know how many characters were on the back of the tortoise, but tlmt tl»e numbering of the Divisions,

‘first,’ 1 second，’ &c” • 臼，

曰， "ZT) was by Yu. In tliis way there would be 38 characters left. Some take away the half of these again, — those, namely, whicli liave a verbal or hortatory force/ (敬

用 ，農用 ， :zr zr)， kav— the names of the

divisions, 'l'he prevailing opinion now, liowever, is tliat there were only the 45 small circles, open and close, upt)n the creature; but even thus lmirli (Mimofc l)e allowed. Tlic wliole story of tlie tortoise and 4 the book of Lo* is only tit to be told to children. In the paragraph before

us, tlie characters 五行 •五事 come down from the times of Ilea ; perhaps the

敬 甩農用 , &c., hail done the same ; 初一曰 ，次 二曰. 及 c.， were spoken

by t)ie vistMtunt ot* lve in thu nurrutivo which ho K^ve to Woo.

While discarding tlio cho〇k of T^o/ it >vill he a lielp to the student's memory, nnd in liis rending of tin* v.irious loro on the Plan, if I ap- jhmu! hen* au outline* of tl»o * Houk * »ith tlie

Bk. iv. r. r».

THE CJHKAT PLAN.

火曰曰 曰潤 it 炎卞水

曰曰 曰臼五

金 九水 >行>

五四 三二一

?>'!〇

fl

III. [i. ] u First, of the five elements. — The first is named water; the second, fire; the third, wood; the fourth, metal； the fifth, earth. The nature of water is to soak and descend ; of fire, to blaze and as- cend; of wood, to be crooked and to be straight ; of metal, to obey and.

names of the Divisions added to it. It differs from the common representations of tlie Plan, by oontainin^ the 5th division in the centre, >vliidi is ordinarily excluded, from nuiucrical considerations.

ns to attract men towards what is desir- ed. No nuinbors, it is observed, are used

with reference to the fil'tli Divi.^ion, the perfec- tion Avbicli it indicates not being capable of measurement.

For the names of the subjects of tlie nine Divisions, see on their several paragraphs that

follow. With regard to the cfive it is said they are to be reverently used. The being personal, belonging to the government of one*s self, it is required to be 4 reverent * in respect to them. [Iveang Sliing, after Lew

Ilin， 賺 Is 羞用 for 敬用， but 敬 rests on good authority see the 案， in /oc.].

The 4 eight * are to be used 1 liberally.* 農 is read as if it were 酉農， and defined by Ma Yung and Wang Suh try to retain the meaning of 4 agriculture,* — but inef-

fectually. The ‘five 崩 ^ ， are to be used * harmoniously, 5 — ;to bring the works of men into haniiony with the times of heaven/

The s various ’ are to be used ‘ thoughtfully.’ ‘ witli considerate examination •’ The

k five ins are to usedeb * encouragingly.* 一 so

Cli. III. Pp. 5 — 40. Particular descrip- tion OF THE MNK DIVISIONS. 5. Of the

Jive elements. Gaubil docs not translate but gives always — 4les cinq Iting.9 We have got into the habit of rendering it in English by * elements.* But it seems hardly possible to determine wliat the Cliinesc mean by tlie term. Hy 1 elements 1 we mean 4 the first principles or ingredients of which all bodies are composed.' The Pythagoreans, by their four elements of earth, water, air, and tire 一 a classification first made, apparently, by Ocellus 一 did not intend so much the nature or essence of material sub-

stances, as the forms under which matter is actually presented to us. Tlie terra meaning * to move，’ * to be in action，’ shows that the original conception of the Chinese is of a dif- ferent nature； and it is said, in the diet., that 4 the live hiny move and revolve throughout heaven and earth, without ever ceasing, and

huncc they are so called ( -fj j 了 主軍

地間未 嘗停息 ，故名 )

tributed/ say the editors of Yunjr-chin^s Slioo, through the four seasons, they make the ufive arrangements ;** exhibited in prognostications, tliey give rise to divination by the tortoise and the reeds ; having lodgment in the human body, they produce uthe five businesses moved by good fortune and bad, they produce u the various verifications ; n communicated to organisms, they produce the ditferent natures， 】iar(l and soft, good and evil ; working out their results in the changes of those organisms, tliey necessitate here benevolence and there meanness, here longevity and there early death : — all these things are from the operation of the five king. But if we speak of them in their simplest and ； most important character, they are, as here, what man's life depends upon, what the people cannot do without.’

Leaving all this jargon, and turning to the c counsels of Yu ? parr. 7, 8, we find that 4 water, fire, metal, wood, and earth’ are, along with ; 4 grain,* the 4 six magazines, * from which tlie people are to be ))rovided with wliat is neces- sary for their sustenance and comfort. We may content ourselves, therefore, with under-

320

THE SHOO KING.

PART V.

恭> 聽 、言事 、穡酸 ，上 徵曰上 t 言 五三一 作從作 潤從木 曰曰 目 曰甘 。革苦 、卞 氣曰 從 U 览貌 ◦作曲 作土曲 視貌 四二二 S 辛卫 鹹爱 II； 曰 曰曰曰 五稼作 炎稼金

to change; while the virtue of earth is seen in seed-sowing and inga- thering. That wliich soaks and descends becomes salt ; that Avlncli blazes and ascends becomes bitter ; tliat which is crooked and straight becomes sour; that wliich obe}7s and clianges becomes acrid; and from seed-sowing and ingathering comes sweetness.

[ii. ] u Second, of the five businesses. — The first is called de- meanour; the second, speech ; the third, seeing; the fourth, hearing; and the fiftli, thinking. The virtue of the demeanour is called respectfulness ; of speech, accordance with reason; of seeing, clear-

standing 五行 here as {the five essentials to human life.’ From 日 down-

wards is to be taken as the language of the viscount of Ke, or of tlie chronicler of Chow, to wl)〇m we owe the i great Plan J of the Shoo ; l)iit the language is affected by the study of the Yih-king, wliich had come into vogue.

曰 J'?, 一 c water may be described as moistening and descending.’ )' 同下 ……

半， it is said, 生 言 *， 4 describe the nature of the elements * But nature in such a case is only expressive of some qualities belong-

ing t。 them •稼 穡， again, is saifl to be descriptive of the virtue of earth ( 以德言 ); and hence we read 土愛 稼 穡

土 曰稼穡 4 Metal obeys and changes * ; t.c., it ulters its form when acted on by fire From 潤下 to the end we have the -fj 味 or 4 five tastes * of the elements ; 一 not, liow- ever, the tastes that are proper to them, but those which they arc found in course of time j to assume. This is denoted by 作 which I j have translated 4 becomes.* Ilea Seucn has I B«id, * The reason wliy we find used in | connection with the five tastes or flavours of ! the elements is this. 一 Water as it issues from I the spring is not sji It ; — but wlion it flows awny | to tlio sea, und is there colloctod and coagulated togcUuM, i.or ii long time, the sal t Usle is pro-

duced, and the saltness is made by tlie soaking and descending. When fire, blazes on witliout ceasing, charring and scorching for a long time, the bitter taste is produced, and the bitterness is made by tlie blazina: and asceiuling,; &c., &c. The reader may find a reasonable meaning in all this, if he can. Ts4ae observes that the live elements have their several sounds, colours, and airs, as well as tastes, but the text only speaks of tlieir tastes, those being of greater importance to the people tlian the others.

P. 6. Of the Jive businesses. To translate 审 by 1 the five businesses * reads awkward and uncouth ; but I can do no better with it. Meilhurst renders the phrase by 4 the five senses/ wliich is plainly inadmissible. Gaubil gives for it — ‘ les cinq occupations ou affiiircs.’

From the language of p. 4，- 敬用 五事，

we gather that the * aspect,1 4 the speech/ &c., are not themselves the but what give oc- casion to them. 貌 = 容儀， * carriage,' * demeanour.* describe tho

several virtues or desirable characteristics of the

‘ businesses •(五 事之德 )• 音曰從

一 = * accordance, * that is, obedience to

right and reason. It is strange that the old interpreters, Gan-kw5, K^ung-shing, and Ma

Ymw， all in 山丨’ 丨丨丨 從 hy 可;

making the meaning to be 一 4 the virtue of s]kh?cIi is that it move otliers to follow tlio speaker.*

I'liis is manifostly wrong. 容 -通乎

Bk. IV. P. 7, 8.

THE GKEAT PLAN.

327

四 S 曰能 曰曰八 五賓 A 司貨庸 亂 八曰空

詉 又象肌 睿 明恭聽 # # 作曰

曰司五 曰曰聖 。哲

〇 聰從思 三 I 择择曰

ness; of hearii>g, distinctness; and of tliinking, perspicaciousness. The respectfulness becomes manifest in gravity ; accordance ivith reason, in orderliness; the clearness, in uisdom ; the distinctness, in deliberation ; and tlie perspicaciousness, in sageness.

[iii. ] u Third, of the eight objects of government: — the first is called food; the second, commodities; the third, sacrifices ; tlie fourtli, the minister of works; the filth, the minister of instruction ; the sixth, the minister of crime; the seventli, the entertainment o/guests; the eight li. the {iriny.

[iv. ] uFourtli, of the five arrangements. — The first is called the year ; the second, the month; tlie third, tlie da)? ; the fourth, the

•i^r. 'penetrating to vrliat is minute. 肅， | would come in the minister of works, to secure 飞队 t f the comfort of their dwellings ； and the minister

of instruction to teach them all their moral duties; and the minister of crime to deter them from evil. All festive ceremonies, all tlie inter- courses of society, could tlien be regulated ; and finally tlie efficiency of the army would be maintained, to secure the geueral well-being of the State.

&c., describe the consummation of those virtues (五 之用 )， 一 what they come

to, as is indicated by the 作-

Tliese businesses are represented as being in the human person what the five elements are in nature. Demeanour is the liuman correspond- ency of water, speech that of fire. But again leaving all tliis. can we tell what the writer would be at ? Lin Che-k4e refers to what Men- cius says, VII., Pt. I., xxxviii., — 4 The bodily organs with their lunctions belong to our Heaven-conferred nature ; but a man must be a sage before he can satisfy the desisni of his bodily organization and then adds that tliis paragraph contains tlie science of doing this. Certainly if a man have attained to the results here exliibited, he has made much progress in self-government and personal cultivation.

P. 7. The eight objects of government • Med- hurst translates 八政 by c the eight Regu- lators,* and Gaubil by 4les liuit regies du Gouvernement.* It means tlie eight things to be attended to in government, its objects or depariments. They seem to be stated in the order of their importance in the view of tlie s])eakor. 4 Food* belongs to the department of agriculture, and 4 commodities * or tgoods, to that of triule and commerce. These two things being secured, the people would have the essen- tials of life, and would be able to attend to their duties to bpiriluiil beings ami to tin: Quad. Tliui

It will be seen that the three first and two I last are the objects to be attended to in their , several departinents, while the intermediate, throe are the names of the ministers. No ac- count can be given of this peculiarity of the style. So tlie author was pleased to write, 一 very unsatisfactorily.

P. 8. The Jive subjects oj ai'rangemeni. Med- ! hurst calls the -ff 系已， the ‘five Arrangers,， and Gaubil, 4 les dnq Feriodes.* He observes in a note that * 杀已 is used for chronicles and I annals ; for a revolution of the stars, of cycles, j of years ; and that it may express a fixed point ! for chronology and astronomy.* Tlie term properly denotes ‘the sorting of threads of silk/ and thence is apx»liecl to the digesting of chronicles and arranging of annals. It is hard to say whether it is intended in the text for the objective work of arranging the measures of the things spoken of, or, for those tilings as measured and arranged.

歲 = 天時之 一 1 ■•‘acompletere-

volutiou of the bcasous.* 月， ‘the rm>oii，’ is

328

TIIE SHOO KING.

PAKT V.

here = 4 month, J tlie period of a lunation/ in- cluding the determination of new and full moon, and the intermediate phases. c the sun,*

is here = 1 a day.* ^ — see Can. of

Yaou/ p. 3. 歷 數 , 一 comp, the use of tliis phrase in the Canon of Shun, p. 14. It is lien? used, in its primary meaning, of the com- I>utations by wliicli tlie measures of the year, the month, the day, &c., are determined, and tlie calendar fixed.

Tli is division of the Plan is substantially tlie same ns Vaoifs instructions to his astronomers. 'Hie lan«：ua<»e is too brief to tell us what im- provement liiui been ni«ade in the science of astronomy between the time of Yaou, and that of king Woo

l*p. 9 一 16.. Royal perfection Medhurst translates 年瓦 by 4 tlie princely perfections and Gaubil, by 4 le terme du Souverain, on le milieu du bouvemiii •’ Gan-k\v6 had defined

the terms by 大中， 4 the groat Mean,* and liis oxi)lanation seems to liavc been unquestioned till the time of the Sung dyn.asty. Tlien Choo

He insisted that a must be taken here in the

serving as an example and attractive influence to all below, both ministers and people. It is supposed to be in the centre, the exact middle, but it should not be called the centre or Mean. Take its primary application to 4 the beam form- ing the ridge of a house:* — that is the highest point of the roof, on which tlie other parts rest, and it is in the centre of it ; but it is called 十东 and not ftf. By 4 royal perfection* we are to understand the sovereign, all that lie on^ljt to be. Ts'ae dwells upon it in its relation to his personal character, exhibiting all the virtues. Others say it is the accumulation of the personal and governmental excellences des- cribed in the previous divisions of tlie Plan. Our best way is to leave it in its own vagueness.

I have already observed that no place is found for this in the numerical scheme of the 4(ireat Plan,* arranged according to tlie prin- ciples of the Yili King. Tl»ere arc only 8 diagrams, not 1). This might liave shown tlie critics tliat this Book was not to be treated oil

those principles. 9. 日幸 （= ；^*)

玉 j|fg， 一 c collects tlicsc five happinesses,1 tlmt is. collects, concentrates them in liis own person

( 劍集是 五福手 皇躬； 8ec th。

0 Happiness, it is supposed, invari-

ably follows virtue ; — ~ compare in the 4 Counsels

Yu，’ P. 5, 惠迪吉 ，從 逆凶 ，惟

The * five happinesses 1 must be those of* the last Division, and we arc surprised to find them mentioned here, with the definitive || before tlicm. It is not to be won- dered ut tliat Hung |萬) should have

proposed to remove from this clown jjiy in p, 11, to the ninth division. The diffi- culty is a little lightened by taking [J V： —

stnrs and planets, and the zodiacal signs ; and the fifth, the calendaric calculations.

9 [ v- ] u Fifth, of royal perfection. — The sovereign having establish-

ed liis highest point of excellence, he concentrates in liimself the five liappinesses, and then diffuses them so as to give them to his people : — then on their part the multitudes of the people, resting

gto p 楹作王 下從一 中 xccl- and erril '1- I 皇當遵 天下 n

: 惟 K 臻綺字 -HC1 極 =

r

tic th or

>(1

I |尨皇之以皇 ::

s'

I 大大王 Kn 蓋

， ,c0). t)si 訓訓遵 f M. l I •‘I 一有可說到可 ::

办 1 皇不以 it 意 1 1 4I 14C 皇所路 其 a f I I I 之茚之 王丑|&|

n c oi p p lc st u

TH ll

u d u zc tlle ali *t rc

二曰 月三曰 0, 四 曰星辰 五 曰曆數 。〇

招皇撤 皇建 其有極 # 時 五 m 用敷錫 厥庶 民惟時 厥庶 民于汝 撤錫汝 保極。

I5k.IV. Tp. 10, 11. THE GREAT TLAN. 329

而咎 >于 則有厥 皇無無 〇 康皇極 、念 氮庶作 有有凡 $ 而 則不之 ，有民 ,極 。比 淫厥 色受 罹不守 ，有 〇 德」做 庶 H 之厅協 汝猷凡 ■人民

10 in your perfection, will p;ive to you the preservation of it. That the multitudes of the people luive no lawless confederacies, and tliat men in office liave no selfish combinations, will be an effect of the

1 1 sovereign's establishing liis Iiighest point of excellence. -Among all the multitudes of the people, wlien any have counsel, nnd conduct, iuid keep themselves from evil, do you l>car tliem in mind ; tliose who

do not come up to tlie liigliest excellence, and yet do not involve themselves in crime, let the sovereign receive; and when a placid

是， ‘thorcon’ or ‘thereby，， as in the translation.

用敷 錫厭庶 民 _‘uses thcm.

diffusing and giving them to his multitudinous people.* The kinj;, not able to be happy him- self only, seeks to make liis people liappy ； 一 it

is not said by what methods. j 隹 B 字， 了- 了 -， 一 Ts4ae expands this (l^P

民赤皆 於君之 極與 之保 守， 不敢失 I. 所謂錫 保也， W 皇極君 民所以 相與者

如此， 1 the people, after tliat, guard and pre- serve the perfection of tlie sovereign for him, not daring to lose it or let it drop. This is wliat is shown by The ^vhole tells

us wluit a mutual interest the ruler and the people have in this royal perfect ion. * It is

really difficult to say what the whole tells us. Tlie student will not fail to observe how tlie viscount of lve begins liere to address himself to king Woo.— 10. Royal pei - fcction will bants/i from the empire all seljish con*

•淫朋 = 邪 黨， 4 bad, corrupt

parties.* has here its frequent meaning of 過， 4 beyond bounds/ Comp. J||J ^ in the 4 Yili and Tseib/ p. 8. 4{E %

f 患， — 如 here， in opp. to the ( •十

above, is uriderstood to mean 有位之 人 4 men having office.* is used in a bad sense. [^, < selfish

combining.' 作極 is about i. q.

• of the last par. Perhaps indicates the vari- ous efforts nnd steps of progress by which ^ jj, the point of establishment, is attained.

11. How royal perfection ici/l be seen in dealing with sujteriur 7nen, and with inferior men also^ brings ing the latter to approve and attain to the highest excellence. 酋犬子 J are men ‘ mighty

in words and deeds.* They are supposed further to be 有守: to have that firm and resolved nature, which will sustain them against tempta- ； tion. 4 think of them/ *bear them

. in mind.’ This is = 4 give to such your cou- fidence. You may repose trust in them •’

一 *do not harmonize with —

I have not yet attained to — the liigliest excellence/

不 惟 于咎 = 不陷 於惡.

The ==> with the adversative force

of fffj， 4 and yet.* These are a class of mediocre indivithials. different from and inferior to the former. ffil ffn P^.9 — Gan-k\r6, taking took this as addressod to king Woo:

一汝當 安汝顔 色以謙 下人，

4 you ought to compose your countenance, and condescend to tliose inferior men.* But he is then obliged to unilorsfcand imotlier as

the nominative to 曰 ， 一 1 when men say,9 &c,. It is better to take, witli Choo He, 而康

rfS 色/ as referring to the class of men jusfc described, and = 4 when they are pleased, and look so, saying/ &c.. Ts'ae says : 一 見於

VOL. III.

42

330

THE SHOO KING.

PART V.

于而 汝厥其 之獨, 皇之予 其家 .茆 正行省 而之福 >攸 無時 B 目人 i 而 H 纟畏極 。時好 好 人使旣 弗有高 〇 人德 > 德/ 斯有富 其氮明 。無諷 汝 汝其好 方鼠使 〇 虐其則 雖 辜厅縠 几羞人 i 焭惟錫

satisfaction appears in tlicir countenances, and tliey saj" — c Our love is fixed on virtue/ do you tlien confer favour on them. Those men

12 will in this way advance to the perfection of the sovereign. Do not oppress the friendless and childless; do not fear the high and

13 illustrious. A\ hen men have ability and administrative power, cause them still more to cultivate their conduct, and the prosperity of the country will be promoted. All right men, having a competency， Avill go on to be good. If you cannot make men have Avhat they love jm their families, they will only proceed to be guilty of crime;

外而 有安和 之色發 於中 而有好 之言 ，云云 • 錫之福 门 猫 1 丨 祿， onc of the

* five happinesses.' 『字 (= 遅 j L 惟皇之 極， 一 the ‘ Daily Explanation ’ I paraphrases this: — 將 見惟是 庶民，

感發于 念受之 Li 深，鼓舞 于 錫福而 不倦 ，斯 同歸惟 皇之極 ，而 信能以 保極矣 _

12. T8*ae says this par. completes the moaning of the one which precedes, nnd serves

to in trod lice that which follows. To me interrupts tlie truin of thou^lit, fugitive as that

is. Gau-kwo says that 單無兄

* solitary, witliout brothers, * and that

is 1]1E * childless/

13. Ts;ae says that tliis paragraph speaks

of ‘ men who are i" oflice ’ ( 匕 辛 j 个) f

者也 .) This is in accordance with the dis- made between ffl and in

pur. 10, Tliis is the gcnuml view of the critics. I rlo not think it can be al toother 8Ustain〇(l. rJ'hc; 4 men 1 may not l)e in ollicc, Imt only a.sj>i- runtb lor it. They arc inferior lu those fnat

mentioned in par. 11, having the ability, and the practical capiicity, but being without tlie conservative dement. If they can

be led on to -- 使羞 (= 進 〕 其行

一 tliey may be employed, and their employment will conduce to the prosperity of the country.

凡厥正 人，— Gan-kw6 ukes

in si mor«il sense as = 正逋 之人，

4 correct men.* I think his view is Ts‘ae

understands the phrase in an ofUcial sense, ami

says it = 在官 之人， 4 men 、v ho are in

official einployinent.’ The phrase may l>e so taken ； but the other view suits the whole

paragraph better. 旣 裔， 一 4 being en- lk.lifd，’ liaving remunerative otticc conferred (m

tlicni. 善, .good.’ 一 * tlieu

tliey will Ir、 片 oml.’ Ts4ae 川 nkc*s iliis = ‘tlu、n

you may require them to bo p^ood/ 'l'he idea is the same with that which Moncius 〇rtcu insists on, 一 that men, when niisocl above the j)ressuro of want, are likely, may be ^xpirtiMl, to cultivate tlie moral virtues. Tliou^li I have

followed Gun-kwo in his view of 正人 ,i

cannot .accept his explanation of this ~Jj ;

了 e the 註疏. 汝弗能 " • …

sjA. . 一 the principal diHiculty here is >vith --p* I take in the 3d toue.

Bk. IV. P. 14.

Till： GREAT PLAN.

331

14

王蘊無 王 無紙之 偏汝錫 道 無氟之 有遵義 ，無 用之 乎黨王 路> 作王 無陇咎 。福 k 茫無 道無惡 之有遵 ◦其 無偏 .蕩 偏遵道 .作王 M 作

■while tliey do not love virtue, though you confer favour on them, they will involve )T〇u in the guilt of employing tliein thus evil. u Without deflection, Avithout unevenness,

Pursue the Koval righteousness j AVithout any selfish likings,

Pursue the li〇3 al way ;

"Without any selfish dislikings，

Pursue the Royal patli ;

W ithout deflection, without partialit}%

Broad and long; is the Royal path.

AVithout partiality, 'without dofiection,

The Royal path is level and easy ；

and 有好 as = * to have what

they love/ meaning the means of comfortable

living •而家 = 其所 有家， ‘ their

families;’ 一 the being taken as merely a

pause or rest of the voice. Possibly it may = ^your,5 and may be, by synecdoche,

ft>i ■國家 • s。 that 而家 = 4 your country.*

I prefer the other construction however.

時人 斯其辜 = 是 人則將

陷於罪 • The wliole is in opposition to tlie preceding clause. 一 4 Let the sovereign em- ploy and remunerate those ableand well-meaning men, and they will go 〇n to be really good. It* on the contrary they are neglected, and left to suffer penury, they will lose their self-respect, and proceed to become evil.* Hoo Yili-cliung ( 胡一中 ; Yuen dyn.) explains the passage

very much in the same way. He says : — 女子

者自愛 重也， 家謂有 家者， 凡 正 長之官 ，永當 蓐祿而 使 之富足 ，方 能爲善 ，汝若 孑先祿 之使富 ，彼 且不自 愛重 于其有 家無所 顴藉， 則 是人將 陷於罪 于其

無 用咎’ — such men, falling off into

crime, may afterwards bo put in remunerating offices; but the opportunity has been lost by the sovereign. He will only now reap the fruit of his want of wisdom in dealing witli them in the past.

P. 14. An ancient Sonfj^ descriptive of the royal perfection, and stimulating men to imitale it, AVe may compare with it the songs of Slum and 】Caou-yaou in the 4 Yih and Tseih.’ The lines are composed of four characters, and every two lines rhyme together after a fashion. The general opinion is that tlie song was not com- posed by the viscount of Ke, but tliat it was a well-known piece, whicli liad conic down from the Ilea times, and wliieh he recites to king

， 無偏無 彼^ 遵王之

[猶, 一 Sze-ma Ts'een gives for and there can be no doubt this was the reading till the reign of the emperor Heuen-tsung (

of the TJang dynasty. A proclamation of his, in tlie year 74-1^, is still extant, ordering the change from to that there might be a rliyme with and referring to the language

of the Yih in the diagram 泰- 無平不

as suggesting the latter character, which is in meaning mucli the same as the other. But we might still retain 皮 頁， and read as go, to rhyme witli it. wliieh is a deriva-

tive from itf is allowed to be sometimes pro-

332

THE SIIOO KING.

PART V.

之 厥其是 敷曰琪 其道反 敷庶訓 。訓 k 言 、皇有 有正無 言 、良 0 ^ 是極磁 。藏 览械 是極凡 ^ 2 Q | 帝會全

AVithout perversity, witliout one-siJetlness,

The Royal path is right and straight.

Seeing tliis perfect excellence,

Turn to this perfect excellence.”

15 He went on to say, u Tliis amplification of the Royal perfection contains the unchanging rule^ and is the great lesson ; —— yea, it is the

16 lesson of God. All the multitudes, instructed in this aniplification of the perfect excellence, and carrying it into practice, will upproxi-

nounced so; and, in fact, is the phonetic element in itself. Keang Shing edits —

無 偏 無 ％ 遵 王之誼 _ The dict-

also says that was the reading of the old text. I have not found any authority for tliis.

Ts4ae observes that 偏 ，陂 ，好 _ 惡，

in the first three coupiets， are descriptive of risings of selfishness in one^ own mind, un<l

偏 ，黨 ，反， and 侧 in the next three, are

descriptive of the maiiifestations of selfishness in one's conduct. A distinction is made

between and in this way : — is the ideiil character of the Iix>yal course, always

(以 其爲事 物之 當然曰

道 ^ 路 is tliat course, as it is to be actually

trodden by all (以 其爲天 下之共

由曰路 )• 王 莛平平 ，-于

is read pceen, to rliyme witli The phrase is

explained by 平易 • 會其 有極， 歸 其有極 ， 一 Lin Clie-k^ says on this :

-逢紅 者如 北廣之 居所， 而會其 歸其 者 ，則如 與墓 W 北辰也 ，‘ The p

fection, 3et up, is like the north pole-star occupying its place. Meeting with the porfec- tion :md turni 叩 to it， is like all the other st:irs moving towunln 一 doing homage to 一 tlie pole «tar.*

Pp. 15, 1G. The viscount of Ke celebrates the description which he fats (firm of the /ioi/tif /tei /tc- tiony and the (f/ortuus issue to w)tich it le<uls.

15. The ut the beginning, must have for its subject . "i's'ae culls it 击 已

I 4 a term of introduction * ; Hca Seucn,

I 1 a term indicating a change in the

I discourse or argument •’ 皇;

I 百， 一 ' the diffuse discourse of Hoyal j)erfec- tion.’ We must understand all tlie amplification which the viscount had given of the phrase

I 皇極是 鼻-彝 = 常;- ‘ “ is，

stant, invariable.’ g|||, 一 * it is the lesson *

for all. 背广 窗 "， 一 * from G<k1 is

its lesson.* We must wish tliat the lan«：ua^e of this par. bad bwn more explicit. I will here ii^ain make use of the words of Ch4in Ya-yi»n, while contessinj; my own want of appreciation of what awaktMis so much enthusiasm in him,

and other Chinese critics : — 人 卜，

旣 建彳$而 以# 教于 天下， 邊義 百 而以 吞 教牛天 T、， 蓋身 教者示 以躬 行踐履 之實曹 教荠侦 其歌舗 口 冷 詠而得 ，二 者不可 偏廢也 • 天下 惟理漪 至常， 惟理爲 至大 ，皇 构乏 j 々言 •細乎 一 * 埋 ，故 _ 之常 _， 故 謂之大 訓 ，是 理也， 本之於 5, 惟皇 上帝 降衷之 ■也 W 而本 異於降 衷之理 ，是豈 可以 君 •之訓 視之巷 ，乃 天之訓 也天者 其不# 之聖人 ，聖 人者其 能 W 之夫 ，一而 二二 ff 丨丨一 者也. lti •極

Bk. iv. p. r.

THE GKKAT PLAN.

mate to tlie glory of tlie son of Heaven, and sav, 4 The son of ] leaven is the parent of the pe〇|»lc, and so becomes the sovereign ol* tlie empire •’

[ vi. ] u Sixth, of the three virtues. — The first is called correctness and stniightforwardness ; the second, strong government; and the third, mild government. In peace and tranquillity, correctness and straightforwardness must sway ; in violence and disorder, strong government mvM sway ; in harmony and order, mild government must swai/. For the reserved and retiring there is the strong rule; for the lofty and intelligent there is the mild rule.

查敷言 is w Mui"se 皇 極之敷

"S'. Medhurst erroneously translates the clause 一 * carry out these wide-spread instruo- tions.’ The people are supposed to repeat and croon over the amplification. — especially the 1 song, teaching themselves and one another, and to l>e aroused to carry the lessons into practice, till they attain to a perfection in their degree

equal to that of the sovereign in this. 曰 ^2^ *2^， 一 the people are the subject of the Q here. Hea Seuen would refer it to like the in the last par% but he

must be wrong. 天 *^，一 4 the Son of Heaven ； * — see P.irt III.. Bk. IV., 5.

Pp. 1 7 — 19. Of the three virtues. The throe virtues are characteristics of the imperial rule ; — tliey are not personal attributes of the sove- reign, but the nianifestations of the perfection >vhich is supposed to have been descrihed in the

last Division. Their names are 正直 ，剛 and Ts[ae makes the names

正直自 I 丨， and 柔， ; but the omission of the in the case of the second ami third gives them too mucli tlie appearance of personal i attributes. Tlie second and third are chiefly | dwelt on, this division being supplementary to the last, — to show how the Kt>yal perfection will deal with times ami cases of an abnormal 1

character. 17. jf-* — see in p. 14,

|^. This is the course that tlie perfect sovereign will naturally and usual In- take. |^|j — 4 strong subduing/ This is

tlie course of the perfect sovereign, when it is necessary for him to put oil his terrors.

4 mild subduing/ This is liis course, when it is proper for him to condescend to

weaker natures. 弓鲁 弗友， -友，

4 friendly, * c disposed to be friendly/ must here be taken as : = 順. 4 compliant, 4 obedient •’

* harmonious/

— the former of these characters signifies 4 to sink beneath the water,* and the second, * to dive.* 4 Disappearance,* 4 being hidden/ be- longs to both these things, and lienee the com- bination is used in the text to denote individuals who are reserved and retiring, wanting in force of character. In , 4 the high and in-

telligent/ we have the opposite of them, those in whom the forward element predominates. The 1 strong rule J must be applied to the former class, — to encourage them, and the c mild rule 9 to tlie latter. 一 to repress them. The use of tlie 4